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May 14, 1830.)
Navigation and Imposts.
(H. OF R.
ously to relieve every branch of industry from taxation, crimination, equal privileges. If, under the proposed and to moderate every burden which we have unneces- measure, the produce and manufactures of one nation sarily heaped upon the country pending the Presidential should be admitted into this country at a less rate of duty contests, and absolutely for no other than electioneering than those of another, it will be the fault of that pation, purposes. In accomplishing this desirable change in our not ours it will be because, by denying to us correimpost system, I shall use my humble efforts to secure a sponding privileges, she declines securing for her own prowise and just medium between the acknowledged right of duce and manufactures the important advantages resulting
a vast community of consumers on the one hand, and the from a reciprocal abolition of prohibitory duties. It will s moderate, and, I trust, well founded expectatious of the grow out of her own voluntary negligence, and she will | manufacturers on the other. Immoderate imposts cau be bave po right to complain of any breach of treaties or of no permanent utility to them or to the country. I am violation of national law. If her navigation, commerce, much mistaken, sir, if the time is pot rapidly approaching and manufactures be injured, she has the remedy in ber when the gentleman from Massachusetts will be glad to own hands. It would be extraordinary, indeed, if we had accept even my bumble aid in resisting that reaction which bound ourselves by existing treaties to admit the produce must inevitably follow, when, under temporary excite- and manufactures of nations continuing to enforce prohiment, and for no wise purpose, we carry our measure of bitions against us, at that reduced rate of duty which we impost beyond the point of justice or endurance. With had conceded to another power, in consideration of a the reduction of our public debt, and our federal expenses, mutual stipulation that all duties higher than thirty per we must anticipate a repeal or diminution of some of our cent should be abolished. If the measure proposed should taxes. It may yet require our united and strenuous efforts conflict with our treaty with Great Britain, or with any to prevent our rates of impost from being so suddenly and other power, it cannot be for our interest to perpetuate an so greally reduced as to produce calamitous consequences. obligation which controls our right to reciprocate comAnd let me tell gentlemen that this evil will pot be either mercial privileges with all other nations. postponed or moderated by any fruitless and unjustifiable If the doctrine of my colleague be correct, our treaties attempt to perpetuate our present immoderate and probi- bave been repeatedly violated, and Great Britain, France, bitory duties.
Spain, Holland, &c. might claim from us the more extenI must be pardoned, sir, for not attempting to follow sive commercial privileges which we have granted by our my colleague (Mr. STRONG] through bis loug argument op navigation laws and treaties to Prussia, Austria, Denmark, the lariff. I certainly intend no disrespect; but be seemed Sweden, Norway, the Hauseatic League, Central America, to me to devote very little of his attention to the bill under Brazil, &c. The measure under consideration proposes to cousideration. He appeared to be employed from day to all nations the reciprocal reinoval of prohibitions, and is in day in answering the arguments wbich had been advanced strict accordauce with every sound rule of pational law and in opposition to the bill reported by the Committee on Mapu- justice. factures. So far as he condescended to votice this measure, My colleague is apprehensive that if we pass this bill he seemed not only to misapprehend its provisions, but to British ships may bring cargues fronu Portugal. Iam uttermistake the principles on which it was founded, and to ly at a loss how we could arrive at this extraordinary enmisconstrue our commercial treaties and revenue laus. clusion : 1 kpow of no law, no treaty, by which it would be
My colleague imagines, and I find it to be the common authorized, and there is no such provision in the measure opinion here, that we calculate our duties on the value of proposed. [Here Mr. STRONG explained.] Sir, I shall imported merchandise in foreign countries; and he, there relieve my colleague from his apprehensions. I shall prefore, concludes that a reciprocal duty would operate un seutly have occasion to show what can now be done by favorably for us. Our rule of observation corresponds sub- Britishı
, Portuguese, and American ships, and how they stuptially with that adopted in Great Britain, and in every may be employed, should this measure be adopted. other country of whose laws I have any kuowledge. We T'he only substantial objection stated by my colleaguetake, it is true, the value abroad as the basis of our esti- at least as far as I could comprehend his argument was, mate ; but we superadd to that value ten per cent. on mer- that this measure would couflict with a provision in the chandise imported from countries this side of the Cape of Florida treaty of.1819, which guarantied to Spain and ber Good Hope and Cape Horn, and twenty per cent when dependencies exclusive and national privileges in the ports coming from places beyond them, and the aggregate on of Pensacola and St. Augustine Notbing, sir, but the wbich duty is calculated is on an average fully if not more peculiar circumstance of negotiating a treaty for the nethan equivalent to the actual value in this country. Our quisition of a territory could pardon the introduction of mode of valuation differs from that adopted in Great Bri. such provisions as are contained in the Louisiana and Flotaio, but the valuation is substantially the same. If the rida treaties. They were admitted, doubtless, through the British mode should, however, be preferred, I do not now urgent and controlling considerations attending a negotiaperceive any material objection to its introduction, as it tion for a valuable territory. This exclusive privilege in would dispense with many vexatious provisions in our laws. the Florida treaty has unfortunately conflicted with every This has been our rule of valuation ever since 1789, and commerccial treaty entered into since 1819, without, howthe only exception to it grows out of a constructiou given ever, substantially operating to an extent worth attention. to one of the provisions of the act of 1828.
It was impracticable, iu framing those treaties, not to con. My colleague bas argued at length to prove that this sider Florida as a part of our Union. But, sir, my colleague measure would violate some of our commercial treaties. may dismiss all bis apprehensions that the measure now | I shall not, at this time, detain the House by examining proposed will violate our treaty with Spain. The exclusive
rules of public law. Our national faith is pledged, with privilege was granted only for twelve years, and will exor without treaty, to place the vessels and productions of pire in 1831, before we cau secure commercial reciprocity all nations on au equal footing, that is, to charge the same with any nation under this or any other law or treaty. and no higher duties on either when entering our ports I sball now pass, sir, to the geotleman from Massachuunder similar circumstances, But this obligation, whe- setts, [Mr. GORHAM.] It is with me a source of regret ther by treaty or otherwise, does not deprive us of our whenever I am compelled to differ with that gentleman on uoquestionable natural right to enter into reciprocal com- any question. Indeed, such is my respect for his opinions mercial arrangements with any foreigo power ; por does it euch my confidence io bis extensive information and in any manner restrict or control our right to regulate sound judgment that I am generally disposed to doubt our commerce, navigation, or reveone at our own dis- lhe policy of any measure I may propuse when it encoudcretion, so loug as we offer to all nations, without dis-ters his opposition. But he must pardon me for withhold
H. OF R.)
Navigation and Imposts.
May 14, 1830.
ing my confidence in bis judgment on the present occasion. , Considering that the gentleman from Massachusetts has 50 I cannot surrender my opinions to any gentleman who will repeatedly declared that he was no advocate of high daventure to condemp a new and important measure witbout ties, bis opposition to a measure so well designed to carry condescending to examive its provisions, or to reflect on bis avowed principles into practical operation, is, to say its operation. I was surprised, sir, to bear a gentleman Bo the least, somewhat unaccountable. distinguished for moderation, denounce the bill reported The gentleman from Massachusetts was much alarmed, by the committee as a monstrous measure, which would too, for the fate of our sugar planters; "the prosperity of “derange our whole revenue system, change all our com Louisiana would be destroyed at a blow.” And how Fas mercial relations at home and abroad, and introduce an this calamity to be effected! He told us that Spain could endless series of frauds and perjuries." But my surprise not accept our terms of reciprocity; that the sugar trade entirely subsided when the same gentleman declared, in with Cuba must be continued under the old duty, which debate, a few days after this udmeasured denunciation, was equivalent to about fifty per cent., wbile Brazıl rould that he had never even read the report of the committee, engage with us in a reciprocal commerce, by which her the main object of which was to explain the policy of this sugar would be admitted at thirty per cent. ad valoren. identical measure, and to point out its commercial and na- Thus, he says, our whole sugar trade with Cuba, “one of tional advantages ! Such a condemnation was at least pre- the most flourishing and important branches of our commature, and not altogether just towards a majority of the merce,” would be destroyed." The gentleman must pardoa committee of which that gentleman was a member. me for saying that he bas pusbed his argument beyond his
While, sir, I bad not anticipated so sudden and barsh a conclusion. He may see it very clearly, sir, but it is not judgment on the part of the gentleman from Massachu- so easy for others to perceive how the destruction of our setts, I by no means expected his support of any measure sugar trade with Cuba, the most powerful competitor and calculated to introduce an equitable reciprocity in our nearest neighbor of Louisiana, can possibly destroy the commerce with foreign nations. He is vot only opposed prosperity of our sugar planters. Nor is it at all probable to this bill, but to every law or treaty epacted or negotiat- that' distänt Brazil will ever become, under any cireumed since the war, proposing or stipulating a mutual aboli- stances, a rival half so dangerous to Louisiana, as an imtion of all discriminating duties of tonnage and impost. mevsely productive and fertile island bordering on the He avows bis hostility to a policy which I bave never kuowu frontier of our sugar-planting region. But the gentleman questioned by a committee in either House, and which no from Massachusetts may dismiss bis apprehensions; the party or administration has ever opposed. It is no wonder case be bas supposed will never happen. Whether Spain that those who attribute the relative decline in our paviga can or cannot accept our proposals, the bill will dever istiou to such salutary and just measures, should be startled terfere with our valuable commerce with Cuba. We hare, at any proposition threatening to remove unnecessary and during the present session, reduced the duty on coffee to un profitable restrictions on our intercourse with foreign one cent, a rate far below the maximum of thirty per countries.
cent. ; and before any arrangements could be made with But, sir, the honorable gentleman tells us that the bill Brazil or any other country, that gentleman may be assured contains an alarming provision," which transfers to the the duty on brown sugar will not exceed a rate equivalent President the whole control over the commerce and re to thirty per ceut. ad valorem. This is a matter wbichi venue of the country.” And what is this tremendous traps. the consumers of this country will regulate for themselves. fer of power to the Executive ? Nothing more, sir, than we may, in this House, have what understanding we what is assigned bim by every act of Congress—the mere please ; but the authority of those whom we represent, will duty of executing the law according to its express provi. inevitably overthrow all our political plans, wbether for! sions. The bill proposes that, upon the compliance of any the preservation of party, or the protection of capital. The foreign pation with certain conditions, which are minutely tax on brown sugar is one of those beavy burdens from and expressly provided for, and over which he has no con- which the country must be partially relieved, and it will trol whatever, “the President of the United States shall require no inconsiderable effort to prevent the duty from
issue his proclamation,” merely declaring that the condi being too much reduced. The time is near at band when tion of the act has been complied with ; and the law which Congress will be called upon to adjust a permanent rate of we make, and not the President's proclamation, establishes duty, in which the interests of the planters and consumers a reciprocal maximum duty in the following words : “ Aud must and will be mutually consulted. A higher tax thea from and after twelve months from the date of such pro- one equivalent to thirty per cent. ad valorem, ought not to clamation, it shall be, and it is liereby declared to be law. be calculated upon by the planters of Louisiana. ful to import into the United States the produce and mn The gentleman from Massachusetts apprehends that nufacture of such country,” do. The power is not in the Britishi and French goods would come through the Hanse President or his proclamation, but in the act of Congress. Towns, Holland,” &c. It might be so; but no harm conlu This novel and alarming provision may be found in almost result from that. They would be liable to the same duty every act regulating our intercourse with foreign nations as if directly imported, and to forfeiture if an attempt were since 1789. Without referring to the important measures made to introduce them under the provisions of the bill which preceded our late war, I will merely direct the gen- proposed. Whenever British mapufacturers are disposed tleman's attention to the acts of March, 1815, and May, to run the risk of forfeiture, they have a much easier chat1828, repealing conditionally our discriminating duties of pel through Canada ; where, if successful, they may sare tonnage and impost; and, moreover, to all our acts re- the thirty per cent. levied on importations under the augulating our intercourse with the British West India colo- thority of this measure. But foreigo countries would be nies and involving vot inerely questions of discriminations or interested to prevent such an evasion of our act; they would rates of impost, but the absolute interdiction of the com- not willingly permit British or French manufactures to pass merce itself
. This alarming provision, sir, is nothing more through their ports, to the exclusion of their own, and than an authority given to the President to announce to under the reciprocal privileges secured by such a commerthe Union that some foreigu country has reciprocated the cial arrangement with the United States. commercial provisions of an act of Congress. In other The last objection urged by the gentleman from Massawords, that, by the laws of the two countries, all high and chusetts is, io his view, undoubtedly the most formidable. probibitory duties are mutually abolished, preserving on He thinks that France and England would désire nothing each side a duty amply sufficient to guard against any sud better than to see us make these commercial arrangements den or injurious consequences to our joternal interests, with foreign powers, while, as he tells us, "holding firmly and establishing a maximum for their permanent security. I to their restrictive systems towards us, they would et
MAY 14, 1830.)
Navigation and Imposts.
[H. OF R.
joy, through other nations, all the advantages of a total, which render it impossible for Great Britain to reciprocate relaxation of our system towards them.” It would be for- a measure so comprehensive as that now proposed, till she tupate for the United States if the ministers of France and is compelled to decide on the commercial dissolution of Great Britain were to adopt the opinions of the gentleman her colonial empire. To take from Ireland a privilege from Massachusetts--if
, governed by such counsels, these guarantied by an undisturbed possession of half a century, countries should “hold firmly to their restrictions," and would rouse a spirit of discontent, almost equal to that so leave us in an undivided reciprocity with other nations. recently allayed; to touch the commercial monopolies of Though France and Great Britain might, through neces- her proud and distant northern colonies, would hazard her sity, to compelled to "hold firmly to these restrictions," colonial dominion on this side of the Atlantic. Thus bas they, would never rejoice to see our navigation actively Great Britain, by ber ancient plans of monopoly in colonial employed in a mutually free commerce with almost all the commerce and pavigation, voluntarily deprived herself of nations of Europe and America. They would hardly be all opportunity to reciprocate general commercial privigratified to witness the rise of our commerce upon the leges with foreign nations. Embarrassed as she is with rnins of their own—to see Portugal, Holland, Germany, this colonial system, she can never engage in any but special Prussia, the Hanseatic League, Denmark, Sweden, Nor- commercial arrangements; should she, however, ever find way, and Russia, with most of the southern nations of herself compelled to open the commerce of her whole America, gradually becoming, for all the substantial uses empire to the United States, in accordance with the broad
of commerce and navigation, infinitely more important to and reciprocal provisions of the measure proposed-let | 113 than all the colonial empire of Great Britain and France me tell the genilemen from Massachusetts, notwithstand
ever can be to those great naval powers. It would never ing their violent hostility to the bill, that New England will be a source of congratulation to Great Britain to see the com- be as deeply interested as any portion of the Union in semerce between Europe and America monopolized by our curing an unlimited commerce with all the dominions of navigation through European ports, where our fag would Great Britain. It will be for ber to determine whether enjoy all the uational privileges which she enjoys, on a si- she will sacrifice so large a market for the produce of her milar scale, on this side of the Atlantic, in Nova Scotia, fisheries
, her forests, and her agriculture, merely to per| New Brunswick, and Canada. Her ministers know too petuate a rate of duty higher than thirty per cent for the
well the basis of British power, to adopt the opinions of the protection of her manufactures! Should it ever be in the gentleman from Massachusetts. They would never sacri- power of Great Britain to disembarrass herself of her colotice any portion of her navigation, to bolster up any inte- nial regulations, and to accept the provisions of some mearest incapable of sustaining itself, though encouraged by a sure like that under consideration, however it might alarm
premium of thirty per cent. ad valorem. They might be the apprehensive capitalist, New Englaod would be the i obliged to yield to political considerations, but they would last section of the Union to deny herself the markets of the
never from choice“ hold firmly to their restrictions,” British empire. But no such event is near at hand; and | while we were securing to ourselves, by a more liberal gentlemen may therefore treat the measure proposed by
policy, the commerce of almost all Europe and America, the committee with more candor, moderation, and justice.
When the proposed measure is thoroughly examined, In recommending this measure, the committee consultgentlemen will be surprised that it should have encountered our national interests alone. They believed that they ed so much opposition from Massachusetts. That oppo- were pursuing a course of policy which bad been acted bition has, no doubt, originated more from the apprehen- upon by the Government since 1815, in our intercourse sion of some general reciprocal arragement with Great with foreign nations. This is the third of a series of meaBritain, than from any very profound knowledge of the sures desigued to remove impolitic restrictions on our probable operation of the measure proposed, or the pation commerce with other countries. The first, of March, 1815, al policy on which it is founded. Gentlemen may dismiss proposed to all nations the removal of diseriminating dutheir fears—whatever partial engagements may be made ties of tonnage and imposts, but limited its operation to with Great Britain at some future period for the mutual the clirect trade; the second, of May, 1828, embraced the benefit of the people of both countries—she can never principle of the first, and offered the privilege of importaccept the provisions of this bill, until one of its great ob-jing the productions of every country into the United States, jects is accomplished-until she is compelled to abandon to any nation who would grant us corresponding advanall the restrictions she has imposed on foreign nations in tages in their ports : in other words, a proposal was made their commerce with her whole empire, and to surrender by us to all nations mutually to nationalize navigation. her ancient colonial trade system. Her corn laws are not The measure pow proposed removes the last and only obthe chief impediment--even the powerful landed interest struction to our commercial intercourse with foreigo naof England must ultimately yield to the cries and suffer. tions. The principle is the same; the only novelty in the ings of an overgrown population. Nor does the difficulty proposal consists in carrying the rule of reciprocity one arise from any stubborn adherence to a system of high step beyond the act of 1828. duties for the protection of industry; these are fast disap T'he privileges of the act of March, 1816, were extendpearing from the statute book. No, sir, ministers are re-ed by law and treaty to Great Britain, Russia, Norway, strained from engaging in a general reciprocal commerce the Netherlands, Sardinia, Oldenberg, and the Papal Dowith us, by the more imperative considerations of political minions. National privileges have been reciprocated with necessity.' They dare not disturb their colonial system, us in accordance with the principle of the act of May, lest they should excite serious discontents in various por: 1828, by Central America, Denmark, Sweden, the Hantions of the British empire. After the emancipation of seatic League, Prussia, Brazil, and Austria. To all these her colonies from the mother country, she transferred to measures, removing our discriminating duties and restricher porthern provinces, and to Ireland, the privilege of tions on foreign invigation, the gentleman from Massachu. furnishing certain staple supplies which had been, before setts decidedly objects. He even ventures to ascribe the revolution, furnished from this country, and principally the relative decline in our navigation to this policy. I am from New England.
Ireland has now for fifty years sup- compelled to say that those who entertain such opinious plied her West India colonies with salted provisions ; ber take but a limited view of the question. What, sir, was Fisheries of the North monopolize the markets of the Bri- the state of our commercial relations with foreign countish empire ; her northern colonies enjoy the advantage of tries when we proposed to abolish our discriminating dudiscriminative duties, which almost exclude the lumber of ties? We had then, as we have now, the largest proporforeign countries. These, sir, are some of the great diffi- tivo of navigation in every branch of our foreign trade, on culties growing out of a long established colonial system which were levied abroad discriminating duties of top
H. OF R.)
Navigation and Imposts.
(MAY 14, 1830.
nage and impost, equal to, and in some instances greater row views and petty calculations of local interest. It is a than those imposed on our side. Almost all the valuable measure of great national concern-one on which the pros importations from abroad came in our own shi ps, giving us perity and power of this country essentially depend- and little or no advantage in the discrimination on impost duties it is urged upon us by paramount considerations of politi. on importations in foreigo vessels, while we were charged cal necessity. It is for us to determine whether we will with tonnage duties abroad to seven times the amount of look on with indifference, while our great competitors for those levied on foreign navigation in our own ports. The national power are stretching the arm of commercial emproportion of foreiga to American tonnage is now as fif- pire into every quarter of the globe. It depends on our ieen to one hundred. What, then, sir, was the arrangement decision whether we will take advantage of our commerwhich is so much deprecated by the gentleman from Marcial position, and of the colonial embarrassments of our sachusetts ? A proposition on our part to relinquish our rivals, and steadily pursue that liberal line of policy which discrimivating duties on foreign tonnage, provided other can alone countervail and neutralize all the advantages nations would relinquish a similar charge on seven times monopolized by nations bolding extensive possessions the amount of American navigation. I am at a loss, sir, to abroad. It is in our power, by adopting a bold, liberal, and comprehend how such an arrangement can be considered wise policy in our foreign commercial relations, to estab disadvantageous to the United States. The policy contend- lish on a permanent foundation a friendly commercial ed for by the gentleman from Massachusetts might be union with nations whose political interests barmonize very sound, provided he could regulate the tonpage duties with our own, and who possess do colonial dominionsuot only of this but of every other country. That gen- union infinitely more durable and powerful than any politleman's system would no doubt operate much to our ad- tical alliance whatever. This country cannot aroid ultivantage, if we could impose discriminating duties on our mately adopting the policy now proposed, buwerer it may side, while other nations would indulge us with the privi- encounter this premature bostility. "Republics dever have lege of entering their ports without any such discriminat- and never will permanently pursue a narrow, udambitious, ing charge. But so long as foreign Governments will take and selfish policy. We may, for a time, sacrifice our nathe liberty of regulating their discriminating duties for tional interests, to turn the fluctuatiug tide of an election, themselves, and will impose charges on our commerce and or postpone them in a contemptible struggle for the trabnavigation precisely equal to the rates we may levy on sient honors of official statiou; but this proud and aspiring theirs, it is manifestly for our interest that they should be confederacy will never consent to withdraw from that mutually abolished. A policy which in effect merely sti- great contest for naval empire in which the commercial pulates with foreigo countries for the removal of their world is engaged. Our foreign relations are of a pacife taxes on the trade and tonnage of this country, can never, and friendly character-we have no colonies to defend, to under any circumstances, be one of the causes of the late keep in subjection, or involve us in distant wars. Our paralyzed condition of our navigation. There is no diffi. march is on the ocean-tbat must ever be the theatre of culty in accounting for the present state of our shipping, our contests, and on that theatre we must lay the foundawhen compared with its former prosperity, or with the tion of our national power. We have peculiar advanactual condition of British navigation. We have levied tages in engagiog in the contest for maritime ascendaver: enormous taxes on the materials for shipbuilding, and our great rivals, France and Great Britain, are shackled have imposed prohibitory duties to destroy our commerce with ancient interests at home, and colonial dependencies with foreign nations.
abroad. They are compelled from political necessity to The second proposal of this Government took a wider decline that mutual commerce which may be reciprocatrange, and essentially departed from those ancient notions ed by other patious. We are comparatively upshackled; concerning navigation, which bave so long governed the and the time is near at hand, when we shall be still foreign policy of Great Britain. We boldly proposed to more free to adopt the reciprocity measure now progrant to the ships of all countries all the privileges of our posed, in our commerce with most of the nations of Eunational flag in our own ports, in exchange for corre- rope and America. sponding privileges in theirs. They might import not only The redemption of our public debt must inevitably be thetr own produce directly, but the productions of all attended with an adjustment of our impost system of taxcountries, and from any country. This policy bad been ation, better adapted to harmonize the various interests introduced into some of our treaties at an earlier period, of a great confederacy. As we approach that condition and was made the basis of our navigation laws in May, of our finances and commerce, we shall be better able to 1828, without a division either bere or in the Senate. mature the measure now under consideration, and to apSuch arrangements are unquestionably advantageous to a preciate the important advantages it promises to every country, situated, as we are, in a position midway between portion of this Union. Gentlemen will pardon me, sit"; Europe on the one hand, and the southern nations of but, hurried away by their own suspicions, they have not America on the other—to a people naturally commercial paused to appreciate the comprehensive advantages which and enterprising and to a republic already entering the would probably result to this country, should we adopt lists for naval empire. Great Britain and France dare not and persevere in the policy, proposed. Our southern venture to accept the terms of the act of 1828–our posi- peighbors are still young, and comparatively ushackled. tion is too advantageous, and the commerce between a We bave a deep and powerful interest in securing upon temperate and tropical region so natural, that we should, some permanent and equitable basis a mutual commerce under such a treaty, in a very few years, supply the markets with Mexico, Central America, Colombia, Brazil, Buedos of these countries with the productions of Mexico, Central Ayres, Chili, and Peru. We have with these young 08America, Colombia, Brazil, &c. &c. Such proposals can, tions a commerce of great and growing importance an moreover, never be accepted by nations tenaciously adher- intercourse particularly interesting to our western, miding to their ancient navigation laws, and jealous as France dle, northerd, and eastern States. If gentlemen will and Great Britain are of their maritime ascendancy. There trouble themselves to examine our exports to these counare, however, other powers in Europe and America, tries, they will find them composed almost exclusively of whose commercial and Daval interests do not conflict with the prodnice of our fisheries, manufactures, and agriculours, and with whom we have already entered into treaties ture-particularly of the two latter. Of these exports
, on this mutually national basis. The measure now pro: a very inconsiderable portion is the produce of the States posed is absolutely necessary to give full operation and south of the Potomac.' It is of no importance
, sir, to our effect to this important branch of our national policy. manufactures to secure their permanent admission into Sir, this is no small affair, nor to be measured by par- these young countries, under commercial arrangements
Ni May 14, 1830.)
Removal of the Indians.
[H. OF R.
"mutually stipulating that prohibitory duties shall be abo Such, sir, are some of the considerations wbich have inFlished. An arrangement of that character, for ten years, duced a majority of the Committee on Commerce to report
would prove so decidedly advantageous to all parties, that this bill for the mature deliberation, not ouly of this House, in it would soon become the permanent basis of our com- but of the nation. They ask, at this time, neither its dis
Is it of no consequence, sir, to countries in tem- cussion nor adoption. The time is approaching when tbis *perate latitudes to secure the markets of nations in tropi- policy must be adopted as the basis of our commercial scal climates! Should no step be taken to secure the relations with foreigh countries. Gentlemen have forced
opportunity of supplying the absolute wants of southern the friends of the measure into a premature debate upon PATEurope and America, and the overgrown population of its merits. I trust, sir, that I have explained its operation mitolder nations ? Our furnishing a home market for our sufficiently to satisfy the House, that whatever may be its
pagricultural supplies, is an illusion rapidly disappearing ; fate at some future session, the measure proposed is at least 1 24t is following the shades of other illusions which have worthy its candid and mature consideration. El temporarily sustained our modern and incongruous system Mr. STORRS, of New York, moved that the bill be laid 1 tlf taxation. Sir, either of our larger central States could on the table, with the view [he said] that it should not be pasgupply the wbole Union with grain ; our great Western taken up again.
Valley could furnish enough to supply the deficiencies of Mr. CAMBRELENG intimated that, as he would bave call Europe and America. It is all-important to our agri- the power to move its consideration any time hereafter, a sculture that our commerce should be enlarged, and our should it be laid on the table, he would not oppose the motion. i smarkets for its productions should be extended in every The question was then put on laying the bill on the table, e part of the globe. But, sir, the boundaries of this ques- and carried by the following vote : ssion are not limited by mere commercial considerations of YEAS.-Messrs. Allen, Anderson, Armstrong, Arnold, casecuring narkets at home or abroad. It is with us a ques- Bailey, Noyes Barber, John S. Barbour, P. P. Barbour, stion of national honor, safety, and power. Commerce Barringer, Bates, Beekman, John Blair, Bockee, Boon, sand navigation are the foundation on which these rest. In Borst, Brodhead, Brown, Buchanan, Burges, Butman, Cade loroportion as they flourish, shall we be enabled to keep hoon, Cambreleng. Campbell, Carson, Childs, Chilton, gribe too aspiring ambition of other nations in check, and Claiborne, Clay, Clark, Ouke, Coleman, Conner, Cooper, Cao protect our national interests, rights, and honor. It is Cowles, Hector Craig, Robert Craig, Crawford, Crockett, ata question, sir, whether we shall wisely use the advantages Creighton, Crocheron, Crowninshield, Daniel, Davenport,
which Providence has placed within our reach. Our po. Deberry, Denny, Desha, De Witt, Dickinson, Doddridge, sition is admirable for all the substantial purposes of fo- Earll, George Evans, Joshua Evans, Findlay, Forward, a reign commerce. Is it not for our interest to look abroad ? Fry, Gilmore, Green, Hall, Hawkins, Hemphill, Hughes, 18 it not our policy to make an experiment at least, to in. Hunt, Huntington, Ihrie, Ingersoll, William W. Irvin, izberpose our country as a medium of commerce between Jobps, R. M. Johnson, Cave Johnson, Kendon, Kincaid, s jalurope and the two Americas ? It is impossible to com- Perkins, King, Adam King, Lecompte, Letcher, Lumpkin, srehend, in une view, the commercial and political rela- Lyon, Mallary, Martindale, Thomas Maxwell, Lewis Marc bisions of all countries—to contemplate the geographical well, McCreery, McCoy, McIntire, Miller, Mitchell, Mo. Eposition of this confederacy, and to appreciate the bold pell, Muhlenberg, Nuckolls, Overton, Pearce, Pettis, Pierand enterprising character of our countrymen, without son, Polk, Potter, Powers, Ramsey, Roane, Rose, Scott,
geing sensible of the imperative necessity of exercising a Wm. B. Shepard, Aug. H. Shepperd, Shields, Semmes, beral and enlarged policy in our commercial intercourse Samuel A. Smith, Ambrose Spencer, Richard Spencer, seith foreign nations." With mutual aud intimate commer- Sandifer, Sterigere, Stephens, Henry R. Storrs, William ial relations with Mexico, Central America, Colombia, L. Storrs, Sutherland, Swann, Swift, Taliaferro, Taylor, Brazil, Buenos Ayres, Chili, and Peru to the South-and Test, Tracy, Tucker, Vance, Varpum, Verplanck, Wasbw the east with Portugal, the Italian States, Switzerland, ington, Whittlesey, Edward D. White, Wicklifte, Williams, termany, Holland, the Hanseatic League, Prussia, Den- Yancey, Young.–130. nark, Sweden, and Russia—with the privilege of nationNAYS.-Messrs. Alexander, Alstop, Barnwell, James lity to our flag in almost all these countries, and with a mu- Blair, Chandler, Coudict, Crane,John Davis, Drayton Dwight ual and general abolition of probibitory duties--the pavi. Edward Everett, Foster, Gaither, Gordon, Hammons, taration of this country would soon acquire a decided ascen- vey, Haynes, Hinds, Hodges, Hoffman, Lamar, Lea, Loyall, lency through its eolarged employments between Europe Lewis, Martin, Randolph, Reed, Richardson, Russel, Speight, od both Americas. The flags of Great Britain and Strong, Wiley Thompson, John Thomson, Trezvant, yinrance would, in a few years, almost disappear in every ton, Wayne, C. P. White, Wilde..38.
bannel of trade that might be secured to us under such The House took up the anendments of the Senate to eciprocal arrangements. They never could successfully the bill reduciog the duties on tea, coffee, and cocoa, and, optend against a power enjoying pational privileges in so after some explanation thereof by Mr. VERPLANCK, gany foreigo countries on both sides of the Atlantic, and concurred therein.
ubstantially monopolizing a commerce with a hundred [The principal amendment is to extend the provisions of nillions of people. These great rival powers would the bill to teas now imported, which shall remain in ware
ither be driven to the necessity of abandoning their co-house when the act goes into operation.] Sonial systems and ancient navigation laws, or compelled
REMOVAL OF THE INDIANS. o submit to a decline in their commerce, which would be atal to their naval ascendency. If they persisted in ad The House then resolved itself into a Committee of the iering to their existing policy, their navigation would be Whole on the State of the Union, Mr. W1OKLIFFE in the imited to those direct channels wbich are marked out in chair, and resumed the consideration of the bill“ providing beir ancient statutes and the poor monopoly of their for an exchange of lands with the Indian tribes, and for their
ommerce with their colonial dependencies; while, on removal west of the river Mississippi.” be other band, by steadily persevering in the policy now Mr. LUMPKIN was entitled to the floor; but, she said] ecommended, we should soon surpass all nations in the considering the circumstances under which he obtained it xtent of our commercial marine--and while thus em- yesterday, he felt it his duty to resign it to Mr. BELL, who loyed in friendly commerce with all countries, we should had not finished his remarks. Je gradually acquiring a paval ascendency, which would Mr. BELL then rose, and, after acknowledging, the courJe too much respected by all nations, to be voluntarily tesy of the gentleman from Georgia, proceeded with the ar. ncountered by any one power.
gument which he commenced yesterday, and addressed the VOL. VI.-125.