more judiciously administered; yet even there the most serious consequences might be apprehended from any great additional taxes or burdens on a people naturally selfish, and not enjoying the inestimable privilege of assessing themselves.

With respect to Russia, her navy is more respectable than the two former put together; sixty sail of the line, with a proportionable number of smaller ships, are said to compose her marine: but in the present state of uncertainty, which prevails in regard to the real designs of that Court, it would be misplaced to name His Imperial Majesty, the Emperor Paul, otherwise than with profound deference, and just admiration of the noble deeds achieved by his arms, during the time he favored the common cause; and little more shall, accordingly, be said here, on the part that monarch may be supposed to take, in the so much rumored concert of the north, than merely, that a naval war might possibly not be attended with the same brilliant successes which signalized His Imperial Majesty's arms by land, as his ships are neither calculated for very severe service in distant seas, nor his mariners very numerous, or likely to be much disposed to enter with ardor into a war with that ally, of whose irresistible valor and dexterity on his native element, they have had so many opportunities of receiving the most evincing proofs; such proofs, as might make even the brave and hardy Russian pause, ere he entered the lists of his opponents.

Of Prussia, as merely a military Power, little need be said, although that country, notwithstanding, possesses the means of materially injur ing our trade, by the power and influence she enjoys over Hamburgh, and other ports in Germany, from which she might entirely exclude us, if she could find any compensation in that measure, for the more essential injury the commerce of Germany in general, and of her own fine province in Silesia, so noted for its linen manufactories, in particular. would experience from being cut off from all exportation by sea.

This hasty sketch of the power and maritime strength of the projected alliance against this country (if, indeed, it be true that the dictates of malevolence, and the basest passions, should have overcome the suggestions of sound policy, which must ever militate against the formation of such an alliance), will suffice to convince us, that the whole northern marine, united with that of the rest of Europe, is insufficient to cope, successfully, with the triumphant fleets of Great Britain; and it may now be well to state what the consequences of such combination might be, as well to our new enemies as ourselves.

The trade of the Baltic, and even to Germany, would be, at once, cut off from this country, and the momentary inconvenience would be severely felt, though it could not be productive of any very serious mischiefs, as such a state of things could not be durable. We should receive no naval supplies from the Baltic; and all stores of that kind would rise to an enormous price in every part of His Majesty's dominions. Government having a title to preemption, would of course provide against the wants of the navy; but commercial navigation would experience considerable distress. On the other hand, the enormous sums of money which are annually remitted to the States of the Baltic, for those articles, would remain at home, or be fully employed in setting hands to work in every other corner of the globe, from whence the same commodities could possibly be procured. We should, indeed, have to send further for them, but we should in the end obtain them; and the Baltic States, perceiving the fatal consequences to themselves of such a diversion of their branches of trade, would not be tempted to pursue the same blind and rugged path of policy to its conclusion-their own eventual ruin.

If those supplies were cut off from us, we should take care that they were equally so from the rest of Europe; and the general stagnation which would follow, would become insupportable to the northern Powers, as the article of naval stores is the only valuable return they have to make for their own supply of many of the necessaries and all the luxuries of life from other countries. It is, besides, particularly with this country, that theirs is a gaining trade; with most other nations it is a losing one. They take little from us, in comparison with what we receive from them; and the large returns we are obliged to make them in specie are the life and soul of all their other commerce. Besides, what is it that British industry might not accomplish? Should we tamely sit down under our privations, and thus acknowledge our dependence on those nations for the essential requisites towards maintaining that marine which is the pride and glory, as well as the support of Great Britain; the envy and admiration, as well as the dread of every hostile Power? Certainly not. Why should not the noble fir-woods of Scotland, though inland and of difficult access, be rendered serviceable by British perseverance, and yield masts to ships of English oak, as well as turpentine? And how would Norway brook the loss of those chief sources of her commerce? What would be said in Sweden, if British iron was found sufficient, and if, with

patriotic spirit, all ornamental work in this article was to cease in England, in order to supply our dock-yards and naval arsenals with the requisite quantity? What would be said there, if tar, pitch, etc., were to be imported in greater quantities from America? And would not the dealers in hemp, flax, and coarse linens, in the Prussian and Russian provinces, look confounded, on perceiving that the exigency of the case had driven the bold and enterprising genius of British traders to the search of the same commodities, not only from the wellknown sources of industry, in this species of merchandise, in Scotland and Ireland, but from Barbary, America, and Levant, and elsewhere? Can the occasional supplies of wheat, and other grain, we receive from Denmark, tempt us to forego the precious right she has rashly ventured to dispute with us; and would not legislative provision for the extension and improvement of agriculture at home soon render us independent of her for this necessary of life? As for the trifling articles, which her jealousy of our superior workmanship and excellent materials in manufacture allows her to take of us, and of which more is smuggled than lawfully imported by her own people, they are too trifling to deserve mentioning among our losses in trade by war.

With regard to Hamburg, indeed, and the use of the rivers Elbe and Weser, the kings of Prussia and Denmark might, as was before hinted, materially injure us, by depriving us of these only remaining channels of commercial intercourse with Germany and the northern continent of Europe: but all communication with the ocean would likewise be shut to them; and it is not to be believed that the Elector of Saxony, or other pacific States, would silently acquiesce in so violent a measure, and the consequent suspension of all exportation of their superfluities by sea.

The first immediate consequence of our naval operations would be, the total suspension of the Sound duties, into the Danish treasury; and it need only be said that £160,000 sterling are annually received under that head, to show that it is a most important item of revenue to the State, and one which Denmark would as reluctantly part with, as it could little spare, from the civil list, or immediate expenditure of the royal household, to which it is principally appropriated. Scarcely a ship would venture through those straits; and the British cruisers may, in case of war with Denmark, more effectually deprive the Dutch and French of their supplies from the Baltic than they do even at this

moment. We should deprive the Dutch of the inestimable advantage they derive from the use of the canal of Kiel, in Holstein, through which their small craft and coasting vessels, passing from the Baltic into the river Eyder, and so on into the German Ocean, now supply their wants, as well as those of France, without danger of interruption from our ships of war, which, drawing more water, are unable to pursue them through the shoals and narrows to which those people immediately betake themselves; but once at liberty to act hostilely against Denmark, nothing could hinder Great Britain from possessing herself of the island of Heligoland at the entrance of the Elbe, and from thence annoying with light vessels the Dutch coasting trade, as it issued from the Eyder, at the same time that they blocked up the narrow passes at the mouths of the Elbe and Weser, leading to North Holland. Copenhagen and Altona, from their position and military strength; the seaports of Holstein and of Norway, from their little importance to us, might remain unmolested; but Tranquebar, Fredericksnagore, in the East, Saint Croix and Saint Thomas, in the West Indies, would fall an easy prey, and with them all the hopes of Denmark of commercial grandeur and prosperity, to the utter confusion. and trepidation of the whole nation, which attaches the utmost consequence to the possession of those settlements.

Letter of the Spanish Secretary of State to the Swedish Minister regarding British Violations of the Swedish Flag, September 17, 18001

SIR: The King my master has learned with the greatest indignation, from a report which the Consul of His Swedish Majesty at Barcelona has sent to the Captain General of Catalonia, containing the declaration of Captain Rudhardt, of the Swedish galiot Hoffnung, that on the afternoon of September 4, last, two English vessels and a frigate forced the said captain, after having examined his papers and found them to be all right, to take on board English officers and a considerable number of sailors and to permit his vessel at nightfall to be towed

1Translation. French text at Martens, Recueil de Traités, vol. 7, p. 157.

by several English boats to the roadstead of Barcelona and under the guns of its batteries.

That the English, having reduced the said captain and his crew to silence, by pointing a pistol at his breast, took possession of the helm, and at nine o'clock that night, by means of the said vessel and the boats surrounding it, made an attack on two frigates under the Spanish flag, which were at anchor. The latter, having no reason to suspect that this friendly and neutral vessel concealed enemies on board and thus served for an attack of the most treacherous nature, were in a manner surprised and forced to surrender.

For further details and the acts of violence committed by the English on the Swedish vessel, we would refer you to the captain's declaration, which is transmitted herewith.

The King my master can not but consider this incident as affecting the rights and injuring the interests of all the Powers of Europe, including those of England, and above all as a very serious insult to the flag of His Swedish Majesty.

Indeed, it is evident that, in admitting neutral vessels to their roadsteads and ports, the belligerent Powers desire to mitigate the scourge of war and to facilitate the commercial relations between peoples, which their mutual needs demand.

Therefore, whatever tends to render such navigation suspect and dangerous prejudices the rights and interests of all nations alike.

In the present case, the rights and honor of the Swedish flag have been violated in so outrageous a manner that few such examples can be found in the maritime history of Europe.

If the attack were left unpunished, it would tend to embroil two friendly nations, to paralyze their commercial relations, and to cause the nation that tolerated the insult to be considered as a secret auxiliary of the enemy Power, thus forcing Spain to adopt such measures as the interest of its vessels and the safety of its ports might require.

However, the King my master can not but feel that the Swedish captain was not guilty of the slightest connivance with the English, and that all that he did was to yield to their acts of violence and overpowering numbers.

Under this supposition, the King has commanded me to bring to the knowledge of His Swedish Majesty this grave insult to his flag; and having no doubt as to the latter's resentment at so base and lawless a proceeding on the part of certain officers of the British navy, he ex