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troops at the very moment that she was being strongly urged by England to come to the aid of their joint ally Prussia, who had just been utterly crushed at Jena by the French. The young and chivalrous Alexander I. answered to the summons, and the sanguinary campaigns of Eylau and Friedland were the result. But he could not withdraw from the Turkish war without endangering his southern provinces still peopled by Mahometans, and only recently annexed to Russia. Retreat would have been regarded as weakness by the Turks, who would have continued their aggressions, and he could not abandon the Christian population, whom he professed to protect, to their wild fury. In 1854, when in alliance with two Christian nations, the ravages of a Turkish army on its own territory, which was perfectly tranquil, were so fearful, that the villagers fled for protection into the Russian lines from their own countrymen. Then an Austrian commanded the Turks and English officers accompanied him, but in 1806 there was not even this check on their natural ferocity, which only exasperated instead of intimidating the Servians under a brave peasant leader named Czerny or Kara (Black) George, and the Turks were eventually compelled to raise the sieges of Bucharest and Belgrade, and driven across the Dwina and the Danube.

When peace was concluded at Tilsit in 1807 between Russia and France, the British Cabinet sent General Wilson to try and separate Russia from her new alliance with Napoleon, England having refused his proffered terms. England,” said this envoy to the Prime Minister of Russia, “is desirous of the military power of Russia being augmented to the highest degree of which it is capable, whereas France is anxious to reduce its present strength; it was understood that Moldavia and Wallachia were provinces added to Russia in the event of France obtaining possession of important stations in Greece, which acquisitions would for ever destroy Russia's influence there. . England never would propose the partition of Turkey, but nevertheless if any arrangements could be made between Austria and Russia on the basis of occupying and exchanging these provinces, which arrangement would secure the sincere alliance of both countries, England never would make that a cause of quarrel which proved the bond of a union she desired so much to establish. The same principle of a liberal and friendly policy would induce England to protect the interests of Russia on the side of Greece, of which her present engagements obliged the abandonment,” &c., Russia by the treaty having made over the Ionian VOL. XVII.


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Isles, which she had occupied since 1802, to France. But the negotiations failed, as the Czar refused to break faith with Napoleon. In 181], when Russia had occupied Roumania for two years, she proposed a peace with Turkey, which was broken off, as the Porte would only treat Servia as a rebel, not a belligerent; but in 1812 the impending invasion of Russia by Napoleon with 600,000 men obliged the Czar to make another effort to close the Turkish war, and Great Britain again sent General Wilson to Russia, but this time to avert the dismemberment of Turkey. Wilson left Constantinople July, 1812, to meet the Czar at Vilna, but first called on the Grand Vizier, encamped at Shumla, and on Admiral Tchichagof commanding the Russians at Bucharest, finding much to his disappointment that the preliminaries of a treaty bad already been signed between Russia and Turkey, providing for the independence of Servia, which for the present was to be garrisoned by Russian, not Turkish troops, to prevent its occupation by the French. Russia was also to retain the portion of Bessarabia at the mouth of the Danube, but to permit Moldavia and Wallachia to be still nominally a part of Turkey. No Turkish troops were however to be quartered there, and the only token of their dependence was to be the payment of a small tribute. The Russian army released from the Danube was to march on to the French possessions in Dalmatia and the Ionian Islands, and effect a junction with the British fleet to make a descent upon Italy, and call upon her to rise against the French during the absence of Murat and his troops in Russia. The Russian fleet in the Black Sea, under admiral Greig, was to join him at Corfu, and it was with the idea of maritime operations that an admiral had been placed at the head of the Russian troops. If Turkey would lend her aid or conclude the peace deferred through French intrigues, it would be well received, but if not, Tchichagof meant to force a passage into Dalmatia through a friendly Christian population. An anxiety to make peace would have been the worst policy towards Turkey, but that Russia was willing for it, was shown by her agreeing to relinquish Moldavia and Wallachia, for two years incorporated in her empire. A diversion in Italy must have called off some of Napoleon's forces from Russia, and Hungary was known to be dissatisfied with the war. If Italy set her an example, she would certainly declare herself, and the flame once lighted without the jealousy which in Germany always accompanies its ignition by a Russian army, how many of the battles of 1813-14 might have been spared. But England's fear of a


Russian rival on the Mediterranean opposed this project, and pressed as Russia was by other enemies, her hostility would have been fatal to it. Wilson armed with the authority of the British Government strongly protested, and induced Tchichagof to withdraw from Servia, declaring that every available Russian was required to oppose Napoleon, but the great distance before railroads prevented Tchichagof from arriving near Moscow till the French were in full retreat, so his army was only uselessly exhausted by fatigue.

It was understood that the British influence was strong enough to preserve Servia from feeling the effects of his absence in the barbarity of her suzerain. Wilson affirmed that the immediate evacuation of Servia and the restoration of Bessarabia to Turkey, both being Christian provinces, would make her a sincere and warm friend to Russia for the future. He ventured to say in a letter to the Czar that if he gave up the mouth of the Danube just acquired after five years of warfare, and every other advantage, including the fortresses and a district in Asia, “ it would assure him the affection of a prince,” (the savage Mahmoud) "endowed with splendid qualities, and the esteem of a brave and high-minded people would be won for ever by such a trait of generous policy.” The Czar must have smiled at the writer's idea of his simplicity as likely to be tempted by such a lure, or that the Turks would view it in any other light than an advantage extorted from weakness.

While England was securing colonies in all parts of the world, he was reminded that “the great object of contest was the destruction of Bonaparte’s iron sceptre; that all other objects however legitimate and generally desirable which may retard the principal success are now of minor and prejudicial character ;” and the letter ended by extolling "the rapid improvements in Turkey,” which would soon render her “truly formidable.” Tchichagof might well sneer at British diplomatists, who urged on Russia a course of policy they would never have pursued in her place. “Europe would resound,” says the letter, “with praises of the magnanimity and disinterestedness of the sacrifice, it would be hailed as evidence of a system that has long been needed, but which no other State in Europe has yet followed. Your Majesty must not be deceived by your minister, whose opinion I indirectly elicited, that Turkey has neither the intention nor means to disturb the peace of Bucharest.” Yet the writer had heard at the Grand Vizier's camp

that peace was very desirable with Russia from the state of the Turkish army, and the Sultan shortly showed his “ splendid qualities" by cutting off the Grand Vizier's head, and the hands of the two Princes Mourousis ; the one for his ill-success in the war, the others for having signed the peace.

Such a pressure on a sovereign who had carried on what Wilson calls “a splendidly successful war against Turkey" when he was in a most critical position from an unprovoked invasion by England's greatest enemy, was hardly the act of a friend; it was also intended to excite the false hope that by making the required concessions he would obtain Turkey's aid; but on the contrary, as soon as Tchichagof had withdrawn his troops from the Danube, Turkey immediately broke the article of the treaty regarding Servia which secured for her people a universal amnesty and self-government, and that no Turk should enter any part of the principality except as garrisons in the fortresses. The Sultan sent an army to lay waste the country,—men, women and children were impaled and burned alive, and the Servian leader killed his own father to prevent him from falling into the hands of the Turks.

Russia was engaged in a death struggle with France, and England regarded the Christians in Turkey as slaves with no judicial rights, but doomed to be treated for ever like dogs, or giaours as they were commonly termed by their tyrants. So Bosnia endured persecution till she adopted Mahometanism, and Servia was overrun and her people tortured by a Turkish army through the over zeal of an English envoy in securing possible British interests.

At last Europe was at peace, and the Sovereigns had met in congress at Vienna, to endeavour to make it permanent; when a sorrowful deputation from Servia waited on the English ambassador to ask for British interference on her behalf with Turkey, but were told to apply to Russia. The Duke of Wellington wrote from Vienna in February, 1814, that the Emperor of Russia “is excessively anxious that the assembled powers should concur in immediately urging the government of the Porte to act with more moderation towards the Servians, which contrary to the stipulations of the Treaty of Bucharest, his Majesty alleges, is treating that people with great severity. I have urged Count Razoumovski, who spoke to me on this subject, to delay the mention of it to the other powers till the period at which the Powers should guarantee the dominions of the Porte." The cruelty of the Turks and the discontent of their Christian subjects continued, and there were at that time no Slavonic committees to bear the blame. The Servian patriot, Czerny George, having escaped to Austria, where he was imprisoned, was at last released at the request of Russia ; but venturing to return to Servia he was captured by the Turks, and put to death with circumstances of great cruelty, and almost immediately afterwards a revolt broke out in Moldavia and Wallachia, headed by Ipsilanti, the grandson of that hospodar who was beheaded at Constantinople in 1807. His manifesto held out to the people the hope of Russian aid, and he also wrote to the Czar to offer to drive out the Turks, and to deliver the Danubian principalities into his hands. The Czar had just closed a long diplomatic dispute with Turkey, and yielded a small slip of territory in exchange for the protectorate of the Christian subjects of the Porte. He at once disowned Ipsilanti's proceedings, struck his name from the Russian army list, and wrote to tell him that to assist revolted subjects or accept territory from them was entirely inconsistent with his principles; but it was so unnatural that a Russian emperor, and the protector of his co-religionists should not sympathise either with the Roumanians or with the Greeks in the Morea, in the gallant struggle which they commenced almost simultaneously for their independence, that the Turks accused him of being secretly an accessory to the revolt, though it was soon shown that this was untrue. They accordingly seized two Russian merchant vessels, and attacked the palace of the Russian ambassador, Baron Strogonof, who had remonstrated against some special barbarities to several Greeks taken prisoner, and against the demolition of the Greek churches, and he was now compelled to barricade himself as if in a fortress. The Porte also called on Russia to deny a refuge to the Greeks who were pouring into her territories, and was answered that so long as the Turkish Empire lasted the Czar would grant an asylum to any Christian who demanded it. Russian vessels and goods were at once prohibited from passing the Bosphorus.

While England, Austria, and France, all united to prevent a war between Turkey and Russia, the struggle was carried on in Greece with the most savage cruelty on the side of the Turks. England in her jealousy for her Mahometan protégé had delivered up the town of Parga on the Albanian coast to the ferocious Ali Pasha in 1819, and the whole Christian population deserted it with the bones of their ancestors-a touching picture, which caused great sympathy throughout Europe. Her motive was to keep Russia out of the Mediterranean, and she tried to smooth over every point of difference.

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