difficulties. Russia, and France, avowed that they looked to the British Government for the solution of the complications arising out of the Greek quarrel; Austria co-operated with Great Britain to settle the differences between Portugal and Brazil; France consulted her as to the withdrawal of the French troops from Spain; Greece solicited her protection; Spanish America regarded her with gratitude; and Europe resounded from one end to the other with praises of her foreign policy, and admiration of the individual who directed it.

Thus not only were no measures pursued against her will, but in all the great questions of the day, she took the lead; the Continental Governments feeling, that they could rely with as much safety on Mr. Canning's integrity, as on his skill; and that what he undertook to perform he would certainly accomplish, without any attempt to over-reach those, with whom he had consented to co-operate.

The position of Great Britain was thus of the most commanding nature, but yet it did not excite any jealousy in other Nations; a phenomenon, which can only be explained by remembering, that the power, which she possessed, was exerted, not exclusively for her own benefit, but also for that of surrounding nations. "To preserve the peace of the world was the leading policy of England." Accordingly it

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will have been seen, how zealously Mr. Canning laboured "to prevent the breaking out "of new quarrels; to compose by friendly me"diation existing differences; and if that were hopeless, to narrow as much as possible their "limits." Peace between nations he well knew was one of the main ingredients of national prosperity; and internal peace, a yet greater blessing, stood the best chance of being preserved, in the then existing circumstances of the world, if both kings and people were cut off from all hope of external aid. It was evident that the tide of popular feelings set so strong in favour of an enlargement of popular privileges, that none of the absolute Monarchies on the Continent would long be able to withstand it; but, that the people might secure their liberties on a solid foundation, it was essential that those liberties should be acquired by degrees, and not by any convulsive efforts. "To attempt," he said, "to shorten "the road between desire and attainment is, "nine times out of ten, to go astray, and to miss "altogether the wished for object." Periods, indeed, of popular commotion are not the fittest moments for settling with deliberate wisdom the limits of monarchical authority, or adjusting the balance of power between the different orders of a state and experience teaches that those liberal institutions are the best, which have been adapted in seasons of domestick tranquillity to

the wants of the community, and have not been framed, in times of publick excitement, on baseless theories, or delusive principles of imagined right. By discouraging popular violence, therefore, Mr.Canning had no fear that freedom would be stifled; while, on the other hand, by diverting Monarchs from the vain attempt to extinguish it, he well knew that he was saving their grade, from the only real danger which could assail it. The interests of kings and subjects, rightly understood, are not at variance with each other.

By steadily acting in conformity with these views, Mr. Canning succeeded, in confining within the narrowest limits the struggle of principle between France and Spain, and in removing the provocations to any similar conflict.

Europe was restored to a state of comparative repose, with a reasonable prospect that it would remain undisturbed. No nation profited more by that repose than this country: peace was and is essential to its interests, but peace can never be secure while war rages among its neighbours and allies.

Mr. Canning, then, truly consulted the interests of England by promoting those of neighbouring States, and by labouring to preserve the genera tranquillity of the world.

For the first four years after Mr. Canning accepted the seals of office, he had contented him self with allowing his system silently to do its

work without any publick explanation of it. In his dealings with Foreign Governments it was easy enough, by a single word, to make their diplomatick agents understand the true bias of his mind; but in discussions on points of Foreign policy which took place in Parliament, although each speech will be found to be in strict accordance with his "system," yet no necessity had arisen for any specifick exposition of it. A general impression prevailed that our Foreign Policy was ably conducted, because it was felt that British interests prospered, and that embarrassments diminished; although some erroneously imagined, that because all went on smoothly, it was owing to the absence of difficulties, and not to the master spirit, which guided us through them in noiseless safety.

The occasion, however, at last arose, when it became necessary to make one party in the world comprehend the game which Mr. Canning was playing. The Apostolical factions in France and Spain, encouraged by Austria, were goading their respective Governments into measures for the overthrow of the Portuguese Constitution. Mr. Canning then deemed it expedient to open their eyes to the folly of their proceedings; and accordingly, in the British Senate, he depicted in terms of glowing eloquence the horrors of the conflict, which they were seeking to create. By the ordinary means of diplomacy he had de

stroyed the Holy Alliance; by this speech he produced a most salutary impression upon those violent and misguided factions. The dread of forcing Great Britain into the ranks of their opponents had so powerful an effect upon the supporters of absolute Monarchy, that they never again ventured, during Mr. Canning's life, nor so long as the British Cabinet maintained his "system," to urge their Governments to the perpetration of deeds, calculated to provoke a conflict.

Since, then, to prevent a collision between the two parties was the chief aim of Mr. Canning, it may be asserted, without qualification, that he completely succeeded. He had, however, long entertained a strong conviction that a departure from his course of policy would renew the danger. In the House of Commons in 1825, he stated it to be his deliberate opinion that his relinquishment of office at that moment would not only retard the success of the Catholick cause, but would, at the same time "bring

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upon the Country other evils of a most tre"mendous character:" and a similar train of thought, evidently, led him to give utterance to that reflection in which, with prophetick accuracy, perhaps unparalleled in the annals of history, he foretold the exact time which in the event of that departure would elapse before the realization of his fears. "Two years," he said, when con