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The conflict has not been confined to Paris: the social order of other Continental States has been shaken by internal convulsion; and the vibrations of the struggle, which has agitated France, have been felt more or less sensibly in almost every country in Europe. The ignorance of human nature which marked the proceedings of the Congress at Vienna in 1815 must now be manifest to the most prejudiced eyes; for it seems no longer possible to maintain the territorial distribution of Europe there arranged, simply because it was based on erroneous principles of arbitrary policy. As yet, however, foreign war has been averted; for the well-being of mankind it is to be hoped that the world may be spared so fearful a calamity. Much will depend on the policy pursued by this country. But there is every reason to hope, since those who are now intrusted with its direction will no longer be viewed with distrust by the European publick, that feelings of confidence will again revive towards the British Government, whose members are known to be sincere friends to the just and regulated liberties of the people. The liberal Government of France can have nothing to fear from the British Cabinet; and the French Nation must be too conscious of what will contribute to its own prosperity to desire to see its resources wasted in an unprofitable con

flict, when, by an enlarged commercial intercourse, the two nations may contribute to augment, in an unexampled degree, their mutual greatness and advancement.

Great Britain herself has not wholly escaped from feeling the effects of these convulsions, in the tumultuous assemblages of the labouring poor. The Government which has succeeded that of the Duke of Wellington can, however, suppress with a strong arm the lawless outrages of these misguided people, without being exposed to the suspicion of being unfriendly to liberty, or unmindful of the comforts of the lower orders.

The Premier has pledged himself to endeavour to remove the causes of that state of mind, which in some cases has unfortunately made the peasant, who ought to be the defender, the assailant of his employer.

Perhaps no single measure that could be devised would be so effectual a remedy for these evils, as a relaxation of the restrictions on the corn trade.

It was Mr. Canning's opinion, after the bill which was prepared by Lord Liverpool had been lost, that when a new corn bill should be introduced in the succeeding session, it would be advisable so to frame it as to place still fewer obstacles to importation than existed in the one, which had been rejected.

Such a Bill, so far from being disadvantageous to the landed interests, would have stimulated the industry of the country, and contributed to improve the condition of labourer, farmer, and landlord, as well as of the manufacturer: for it is capable of demonstration that the corn laws, as at present framed, operate even more injuriously to the agricultural than to the other great interests of the Country. If, then, Mr. Canning contemplated the introduction of a bill, giving increased facilities to importation, it was from a sincere conviction that it would be found beneficial to all parties; and not from any notion (such as was imputed to him) that he could befriend the people, at the expense of the aristocracy. Had he not been their well-wisher, he could not have been the friend of the people; the true interests of both being indissolubly united: and if he occasionally took a different view of what would be advantageous to the aristocracy from that of some individuals belonging to their class, it was because those few entertained erroneous notions respecting the true sources of their welfare.

The present Government are pledged to Reform. Mr. Canning's last declaration on the subject was, that he would " oppose it to the

"end of his life; " but it should be remembered that he thus spoke at a time, when "all that he "had done" had not " been undone," and that

he had a well-grounded confidence that, so long as he lived, he should be able to prevent the mischief.

In the present altered state of things, who can say that, were he now living, he would inflexibly resist a guarded and limited concession?

To enable this Country to pass uninjured through the existing crisis, much may be done by individual exertion, and still more by wise and temperate legislation. But in scrutinizing the wisdom of political measures, let us not be deluded with the vain belief, that human foresight and prudence are alone sufficient to ensure the prosperity of a Nation: the ablest administration of the wisest laws is impotent to save, without the favour of the Almighty. Christianity, in its purest form, has long flourished in this land; and it is worthy of grateful remembrance, that, during the late war, the soil of Great Britain was preserved from those calamities, which af flicted more or less severely every Continental State. Ought not the contemplation, then, of this peculiar mercy to confirm our adherence to that faith, which is, at once, of the highest importance to individuals, the surest promoter of domestick tranquillity, and the best safeguard for the preservation of those established institutions, which, whatever may be their defects, have, under the protection of God, secured for this country a larger portion of happiness than

has ever fallen to the lot of any civilized people? Of the superior excellence of the British Constitution Mr. Canning, indeed, was so fully convinced, that to maintain, to strengthen, and to improve it, he zealously devoted his life.

THE END.

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