who will suffer from a lack of practical arithmetic learn to add a column accurately; let the irresponsible infant sport with trigonometry and conic sections. These subjects unlearned or forgotten, one could still go through life unfretted by the loss. So with other subjects forever lost to us because entrusted to the intelligence of careless infancy. I would teach geography and handwriting in the senior year at col

lege, and put philosophy in the primary school. So would the young collegian go forth upon life well equipped, and not come to fifty years burdened with regrets for knowledge lost forever,as I. I have kept afloat in higher mathematics, I have delved into the mines of science, I have trod air with many a prancing philosopher, therefore who so well fitted as I to appreciate at last the peace of having a foundation!

I

It would be impossible in the space of a single chapter to give adequate presentation of those forces termed social which have hold upon our neighborhood. The poor and the unemployed, the sick, the helpless, and the bewildered, unable to articulate their woes, are with us in great numbers. These, however, comprise only a part of our diverse, cosmopolitan population. Many men and women are living on the East Side who give keen scrutiny to measures for social amelioration. They are likely to appreciate the sincerity of messages, whether these relate to living conditions, to the drama, or to music. Not only the East Side 'intellectuals,' but the alert proletariat, may furnish propagandists of important social reforms.

The contrast between the character of the religious influences of the remoter past, or even of twenty or thirty years ago, in our part of the city, and those of the present day, is marked in the church edifices themselves.

Across from the Settlement's main houses on Henry Street stands All Saints', with its slave gallery, calling up a picture of the rich and fashionable congregation of long ago. For years after its dispersal to other parts of the city, sentiment for the place, focusing on the stately, young-minded, octogenarian clergyman who remained be

hind, occasionally brought old members back; but now he too is gone and the services echo to empty pews. The Floating Church, moored to its dock near by, was removed but yesterday. Mariners' Temple and the Church of the Sea and Land still stand and suggest an invitation to the seafaring man to worship in Henry Street.

Occasionally a zealot seeks to rekindle in the churches of our neighborhood the fire that once brightened their altars, and social workers called thither one 'comrade' who ventured to bring the infamy of the red-light district to the knowledge of his bishop and the city. That bishop, humane and socially minded, came down for a short time to live among us; and in the evenings when he crossed the crowded street to call or to dine with us, he dwelt upon the pleasure he had in learning to know the self-respect and dignity of his East Side parishioners. He spoke with gratification of the fact that during his stay down town no begging letters had come to him from the neighborhood, nor had any one belonging to it taken advantage of his presence to ask for personal favors.

The neighborhood took his presence quite simply, regretting with him the spectacular featuring of his visit by the newspapers. Indeed, the only cynical comment that came to my ears was from a young radical who, upon hearing of the bishop's tribute, said,

"That's nothing new. It's only new to a bishop.'

In the Catholic churches the change is most marked by the dwindling of the large Irish congregations and the coming of the Italians. Patron saints' days are celebrated with pomp and elaborate decoration. Arches of light festoon the streets; altars are erected on the sidewalk, and the image of the saint is enshrined on the church façade, high above the passers-by. Threading in and out of the throngs are picturesquely shawled women with lovely babes in arms, fakirs, beggars, and venders offering for sale rosaries, candles, and holy pictures. Mulberry Street, Elizabeth Street, and even Goerck Street's sordid ugliness are then transformed for the time and a clue is given to the old-world influence of the Church through the drama.

The change from the Russian Pale, where the rabbi's control is both civil and spiritual, to a new world of complex religious and political authority, or lack of authority, accentuates the difficulties of readjustment for the pious Jew. The Talmudic students, cherished in the old country and held aloof from all questions of economic needs because of their learning and piety, find themselves without anchor in the new environment and precipitated into entirely new valuations of worth and strength. Freedom and opportunity for the young make costly demands on the bewildered elders, who cling tenaciously to their ancient religious observances. The synagogues are everywhere, -imposing or shabby-looking buildings, --and the chevras, sometimes occupying only a small room where the prescribed number meet for daily prayer. Often through the windows of a dilapidated house the swaying figures of the devout may be seen, with prayer-shawl and phylactery and eyes turned to the east. At high festivals every pew and

VOL. 116-NO. 2

bench is occupied and additional halls are rented where services are held for those men, women, and young people who, indifferent at other times, then meet and pray together.

But though the religious life is abundantly in evidence through the synagogues and the Talmud-Torah schools and Chedorim,' where the boys, confined for many hours, study Hebrew and receive religious instruction; and although the Barmitzvah or confirmation of the son at thirteen is still an impressive ceremony and the occasion of family rejoicing, there is lament on the part of the pious that the house of worship and the ritualistic ceremonial of the Jewish faith have lost their hold upon the spiritual life of the younger generation.

For them new appeals take the place of the old religious commands. The modern public-spirited rabbi offers his pulpit for the presentation of current social problems. Zionism with its appeal for a spiritual nationalism, socialism with its call to economic salvation, the extension of democracy through the enfranchisement of women, the plea for service to humanity through social work, stir the younger generation and give expression to a religious spirit.

Settlements suffer at times from the criticism of those who sincerely believe that, without definite religious propaganda, their full measure of usefulness cannot be attained. It has seemed to us that something fundamental in the structure of the settlement itself would be lost were our policy altered. All creeds have a common basis for fellowship, and their adherents may work together for humanity with mutual respect and esteem for the convictions of each, when these are not brought into controversy. Protestants, Catholics,

1 The report of the Federal Bureau of Education for 1913 shows 500 of these schools in New York City. - THE AUTHOR.

Jews, an occasional Buddhist, and those who can claim no creed have lived and served together in the Henry Street house contented and happy for many years, with no attempt to impose their theological convictions upon one another or upon the members of the clubs and classes who come in confidence to

us.

II

During any election campaign the swarming, gesticulating, serious-looking street crowds of our neighborhood are multiplied and intensified.

During the recent almost riotous support of a governor who had been impeached (at the behest, it was generally believed, of an irritated 'boss' to whom he had refused obedience), many New Yorkers, who had come to count upon the East Side for insight and understanding, were perplexed at what seemed hero-worship of a man against whom charges of misappropriation of funds had been sustained. Those who knew the people discerned an emotional desire for justice mingled with some gratitude to the man who, while in Congress, had kept faith with his constituents on matters vital to them. Stopping at a sidewalk stand on Second Avenue, I asked the owner what it was all about. 'Oh,' said he, 'Sulzer ain't being punished now for bein' bad. Murphy's hittin' him for the good he done.'

Our first realization of the dominating influence of a political control upon the individual and collective life of the neighborhood came to us, naturally enough, through the gossip of our new acquaintances when we came to live down town, and we were not long oblivious to the power invested in quite ordinary men whom we met.

Two distinguished English visitors to America, keen students and historians of social movements, expressed a

desire to learn of the methods of Tammany Hall from some one in its inner councils. A luncheon with a well-known and continuous officeholder was arranged by a mutual friend. When my interest was first aroused in the political life of the city, this man's position in the party had been cited as an example of the astuteness of the 'boss.' He had revolted against certain conditions and had shown remarkable ability in building up an opposition within the party. Ever after he had enjoyed unchallenged some high-salaried office.

Under the genial influence of our host, and perhaps because he felt secure with the English guests, the 'Judge' (he had at one time presided in an inferior court) talked freely of the details about which they were curious, - how the organization tested the loyalty of its members and increased their power and prestige as their record warranted it, giving, incidentally, an interesting glimpse of the human elements in the great political machine. His success as a judge he attributed to the fact that he had used common sense where his highly educated colleagues would have used textbooks; and with keen appreciation of the humor of the situation he told how, when he was sworn in, a distinguished jurist had said he had come to his court 'to see Judge

dispense with justice.' He defended the logic, from the 'boss's' point of view, of efficiently administering such patronage as was available, and made much of the kindness to the poor that was possible because of the district control. Comparing Tammany's attitude with what he supposed to be mine toward the poor, he added with a smile of comprehension, 'It's the same thing, only we keep books.'

So much genuine kindness is entwined with the administration of this district control that one can well comprehend the loyalty that it wins; and it

is not the poor, jobless man who, at election time, remembers favors, of whom we are critical.

Opposed to the solidarity of the longdominant party are the other party organizations and numerous cliques of radicals, independents, and reformers. These unite when the offenses of the party in power become most flagrant, and New York is temporarily freed from boss rule, to enjoy a respite of 'reform administration.' Into such 'moral campaigns' the House on Henry Street has always entered, and sometimes it has helped to initiate them, though steadily refusing to be brought officially into a political party or faction. Indeed it would be impossible to range residents or club members under one political banner. As is natural in so large a group, nearly every shade of political faith is represented.

A large proportion of the young people who come to the settlements are attracted to the independent political movements and are likely to respond to appeals to their civic conscience. While serving on a state commission I heard an up-state colleague repeat the rumor that Governor Hughes, then a candidate for reëlection, was to be 'knifed' by his party. We had seen in our part of the city no active campaign on his behalf. Posters, pictures, and flattering references were conspicuously absent. Governor Hughes had made a profound impression upon all but the advocates of rigid party control, because of his high-minded integrity and his emancipation from 'practical' political methods. I telephoned two or three of our young men that the time seemed ripe for some action in our neighborhood. In an incredibly short time a small group of Democrats, Republicans, and Socialists gathered in the sitting-room of the Henry Street house, and within twenty-four hours an Independent League was formed to bring

the Governor's candidacy before the neighborhood. Financial and moral support came from other friends, and, before the end of the week, he addressed in Clinton Hall an enthusiastic mass meeting organized by this league without help from the members of his own political party.

The sporadic attempts of good citizens to organize for reform have, I am sure, given practical politicians food for merriment. One election night, dispirited because of the defeat of an upright and able man, I was about to enter the Settlement when one of the district leaders said, 'Your friends don't play the game intelligently. You telephone them to-night to begin to organize if they want to beat us next election. You got to begin early and stick to it.'

However, every sincere reform campaign is valuable because of its immediate and far-reaching educational effect, even when the candidates fail of election. The settlements have increasing authority because of the persistence of their interest in social-welfare measures. They accumulate in their daily routine significant facts obtainable in no other way. Governors and legislators listen, and sooner or later act on the representations of responsible advocates whose facts are current and trustworthy. The experience of the settlement-worker is often utilized by the state. At the twentieth anniver

sary of our Settlement the mayor drew attention to the fact that no less than five important city departments were entrusted to individuals qualified for public duty by administration of, or long-continued association with, the settlements.

Soon after our removal to Henry Street in 1895, messengers from the 'Association,' the important political club of the district, brought lanterns and flags with which we were requested to decorate in honor of a clambake to