to a pinch, an ounce of sincerity is worth a ton of bluff. If you must misrepresent, truckle, bully and disparage, do not hire men or ask them to buy your goods become a social outcast and then vilify to your heart's content. But I pray you, as long as you are a part of the human family, be human -do not condemn it. Not that you will injure the family as much as yourself-for you are a used-towas. But when you disparage the man who makes the wealth upon which you fatten, you do not disparage yourself, for that time has long gone by; you simply awaken pity and regret for degenerated talent.

McEwen's Amazing Doctrine.

President Taft and a host of others lose no opportunity to tell us about the dignity of the legal profession, and what honest, self-sacrificing, unprejudiced personages the judges are. It may be the popular conception of the legal profession does it great injustice, and it is possible judges "lean the other way" when trying cases in which their friends and acquaintances are involved, but we notice litigants avoid unfriendly judges. A judge may be cold, uninfluenced by his feelings, contemptuous of financial considerations, but those qualities are not what an eminent jurist says are necessary to become a successful lawyer. Listen to this from the Chicago Record-Herald:

"You must run many a cold, nervy bluff and can not afford to be numbered in the down-andout class.

"You can not afford to be too much of a gentleman to the opposing counsel nor too deferential in a courtroom."

These were among the "Do's and Dont's" given by Judge Willard M. McEwen to the graduating class of 1909 of the Chicago Law School at a banquet held in their honor in the Egyptian room of the Auditorium Hotel last night:

"The lawyer occupies a vested position probably higher than in any other profession," the jurist said, "and in this position he has himself first to maintain and should first of all look out for No. 1. "Why is it that you will be given business against the older practitioner? Because your client thinks he is getting the service at a smaller cost or fee. Take it and be thankful, but maintain your nerve and dignity.

"You must have experience and perhaps a little money, and you must run a cold, nervy bluff, for you can not afford to be numbered in the downand-out class. People believe in you and that you are just a little better than others, and you must play the part. You can not play the part of the country church mouse, but must reach out for what's in sight.

"Juries are often impressed with the counsel, and all juries desire to have some one to lean on,

and nearly always select the lawyer with the best attitude. This often determines a case at law. You can not afford to give the impression that you are giving way to either court or counsel on the opposite side. When you do that you lose the faith of the jury. I sometimes think a lawyer should be 50 per cent better than the court.

"Study the style and mannerisms of the profession and ask yourself, 'How do I stand with this juror or with the jury?' Story books have much to do with framing the attitude of the lawyer, but you can never afford to be too much of a gentleman or too deferential in court."

We are told that Judge McEwen has been a successful lawyer, and is now an eminent jurist. He is assuredly frank, for his advice to the budding Blackstones confirms the nastiest and ugliest popular conceptions of the real ethics of the legal profession. Boiled down in plain English, he tells them to "Lie, cheat, deceive, and, above all, look out for No. 1." His honor-how inapt the term appears in the face of that advice-probably made a bullseye, for though there were several other speakers, not one is reported as having protested against Judge McEwen's dictum. That mere lawyers should plan their lives along such lines is not very important-it is solely an affair of the individual. When lawyers come to serve the public in various capacities it is different. We have a right to know if it is their religion to "run cold, nervy bluffs" and "first of all look out for No. 1," which is the excuse of grafters and boodlers of all degrees. More important still, how can a man making a lifelong practice of such tactics fill the office of judge in an honest, dispassionate, unselfish manner? Probably no habits are harder to overcome than those which comprehend bluffing and “looking out for No. 1"-getting money at all hazards.

The enormity of Judge McEwen's suggestion will be better understood if the reader will endeavor to imagine what a judge would say if a labor official gave like advice to trade unionists.

THE last quarterly bulletin of the New York State Department of Labor devotes ten pages to old age pensions for union printers, declaring that "the progress of this effort will be viewed with interest by national unions of other trades, and, if the plan be successful, the movement to pro

vide a stipulated allowance for members in their declining years, thus obviating the dread of future penury, will doubtless become general among associations of labor in the United States." It is conceded on all sides that the pension scheme adopted by the International Typographical Union is the most ambitious that has been proposed by any American trade union.

We Protect Our Members.

A few months ago our Boston correspondent gave an account of the death of Richard F. Mitchell, a popular member of Typographical Union No. 13, which occurred at the state insane hospital. Circumstances in connection with the case were of such a suspicious nature that Boston Union compelled an investigation. On May 24 two attendants were sentenced to the Massachusetts House of Correction-one for three years and the other for two and one-halfhaving been convicted of manslaughter in beating their patient to death. Mr. Mitchell had been suffering with paralysis of the brain. While the sentence in no way fits the crime, it is gratifying to know that the typographical union at all times is ready to protect its members. Had the murdered man been a non-unionist the crime would have gone unpunished, and the brutal attendants would still be pursuing their fiendish tactics on other helpless inmates.

last half of the year was most notable in the transportation, metal and printing trades.

The figures herewith presented were compiled by Charles M. Maxwell, secretarytreasurer of of New York Typographical Union No. 6, showing the amount that union printers, in regularly organized chapels, earned each month from October 16, 1908, to May 15, 1909: October 16 to November 15.. November 16 to December 15.. December 16 to January 15.. January 16 to February 15.. February 16 to March 15..... March 16 to April 15... April 16 to May 15.....

.....

.$548,710

482,058

535,728

549,418

496,020

494,506

582,278

If the average for the next three months shows the same improvement over last summer, the printers at least will have no cause for complaint.

An International Affair.

The contention between the typographical union and the Butterick Publishing Company is unique, inasmuch as it is, perhaps, the first time that a trade union has attempted anything so international in character. The Butterick Publishing Company (which is known as the pattern trust) sends its products all over the world. In Germany its magazines are known as Moden Revue, Butterick's Moden Album and Butterick's Moden der Hauptstadte, which publications are circulated to advertise and help sell the Butterick dress patterns.

While the printers of the United States were fighting for three years to establish the eight-hour workday in all the commercial printing establishments, the bitterest enemy of the typographical union was the Butterick company. This concern felt that it could afford to suffer losses in America so long as its profits in other countries were secure. The labor organizations in the United States have been active in the contest, but so long as the Butterick business abroad flourished, the company could afford to laugh at the American workingmen's efforts to bring it to a settlement.

In July, 1908, legal proceedings were instituted against Typographical Union No. 6, of New York city, in which the Butterick company sought to place the officers and

many of the members in jail for criminal contempt of court. This case is still pending, and judging from recent decisions handed down by some of the courts, the union men may receive a setback.

The time has arrived when the true international spirit of labor should be manifested. When a corporation, which does a business that is world-wide, shows so malignant a spirit toward the workingmen in one country, it is safe to assume that it would treat the workingmen in another country in the same manner.

Typographical Union No. 6 has asked the women of Germany to lend their assistance in this work by refusing to buy the Butterick patterns and fashion magazines. Remember that they are Moden Revue, Butterick's Moden Album, Butterick's Moden der Hauptstadte and the Butterick dress patterns.

A Comparison of Miners' Wages. A few weeks ago Senator Scott, of West Virginia, delivered a speech in the United States senate in which he attempted to throw some light on the mining industry of his state. He attempted to draw a favorable comparison between conditions in 1870 and the present time. An analysis of his own figures, however, discloses several disagreeable facts. While there is fairly good reason to question the accuracy of Mr. Scott's figures from the viewpoint of the toiler, still, taking him at his own word, he proves a poor case for the prosperity of the West Virginia producer of wealth.

A close inspection of the senator's figures reveals the fact that the average wage of the West Virginia miner in 1870 was $523.91, while in 1909 the same average had fallen to an even $500. Later in his speech the senator said: "In making this amount of coal over 60,000 miners are employed, and on their labors depend directly over 300,000 people." That is a total of 360,000 people, which means that six people on an average must live on a daily income of $1.37, or 23 cents a day apiece. Out of this pitiful sum the mining inhabitants of the little mountain state must feed, clothe and shelter themselves.

In the light of these facts it sounds like irony to hear Scott say,

"the hundreds of thousands of men, women and children whose livelihood, happiness and prosperity depend on this great industry are as dear to me as are the interests of other people in other sections to the senators who represent them." And again, "I believe in charity that begins at home."

Reference to the census statistics of 1905 shows that the employes in the manufacturing industries of West Virginia which were reported upon received an average of $483.40. This is more than $16 less a year than the senator quoted as the average wage for the West Virginia coal digger.

Autocratic Lake Carriers.

The flat refusal of the Lake Carriers' Association to meet representatives of the striking seamen, direct or indirect, for the purpose of reasoning over the matters in dispute and trying to arrive at some sort of compromise, has received the severe condemnation of many influential newspapers. Instance the following from the Detroit News:

This autocratic attitude reflects no credit upon the Lake Carriers' Association. Although that body is composed of men of great means, who operate large investments in shipping, it is not an imperial interest, which would belittle itself by listening to the complaints of its employes. A similar attitude was assumed, and with more reason, by the ministry of Russia not long ago. A people oppressed by taxation, deprived of free access to the soil, and subjected to the domination of district overlords, complained because their needs were ignored in legislation. They asked for a constitution, and for representation in a parliament in which their needs could be formally submitted as subjects for legislation. A formal procession was arranged. It proceeded, unarmed and in good order, to the palace grounds, but the ministry, acting in behalf of the czar, decided that the people were unfit for representation in parliament; that a parliament would derogate the dignity of the crown, and, therefore, there was nothing to arbitrate. To impress fully this fact upon the petitioners, the answer was given in the form of powder and ball, and several hundred subjects who came to petition were so fully "impressed" with the policy of the govern ment that they will never protest or petition again. But enough of those rude commoners of Russia survived the crashing volleys to persist in the assertion of their rights, and the lake carriers will notice, perhaps, that Russia now has a douma, and thereby a device for submitting the needs of the people to the government by petition, without incurring a reply in the form of bullets.

The peremptory attitude of the Lake Carriers'

Label Goods Preferred.

At a meeting held in Memphis, Tenn., the latter part of May, the purchasing agents of the Farmers' Educational and Co-Operative Union adopted resolutions recommending to the membership that union label goods be given the preference. The agents agreed individually to use the label on all printed matter. Organizer Hill, of Nashville, who represented the International Typographical Union at the gathering, asserts that the agents would have taken a stronger stand for union label goods but for the fact that in a number of southern penitentiaries stoves are manufactured, and they did not desire at this time to pledge themselves absolutely to refuse to use the product of convict labor. They gave as a reason that they did not think the members of their organization would endorse such action. Organizer Hill made arrangements for the official paper of the Farmers' Union of Tennessee to carry the union label.

Insurance and Old Age Annuities. The progress made in Massachusetts in behalf of savings bank insurance and old age annuities has so encouraged the friends of the movement in New York that a bill drawn on the lines of the Massachusetts act was introduced into the senate and passed by the New York legislature before its recent adjournment.

Up to May 1 $660,000 worth of insurance was written, and applications were being received at the rate of about $40,000 or $50,000 a week. Agencies for the Whitman Savings Bank and the People's Savings Bank, of Brockton, the two banks doing this kind of business, have multiplied rapidly, until they now number more than sixty, and an effort is being made to have a third bank do business along the same lines.

Active in the propaganda have been the trade union auxiliary committee of the Massachusetts Savings Insurance League, officials of the state actuary's department, and agents of the Boston Merchants' Association, who have addressed employers and workingmen on the advantages offered by the act. The merchants' association appointed a committee to investigate its work

ings, and after a thorough examination, they reported their convictions as follows:

1. The objects of the act are most commendable, and, so far as it is availed of, it will prove of great value, not only to the insured, but to the whole community.

2. It will immediately benefit the worker, the employer, the taxpayer, and the citizen.

3. It is thoroughly in line with those policies which have placed Massachusetts at the head of the list of states in guarding the welfare of her work