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of the general campaign against tuberculosis, our exhibit at the Seattle exposition possesses a very large advertising value for the International Typographical Union-a value that will find expression in the creation of sentiment favorable to our organization. The exhibit is one of three now in operation, one of the remaining two being located alternately in Asbury Park, Ocean Grove and Atlantic City, and the third a part of the traveling exhibit of the National Association for the Prevention of Tuberculosis.
All of these exhibits preach the doctrine that tuberculosis is communicable, preventable, curable.
«The Menace of Unionism." It can truthfully be asserted that some men cultivate their hostility to organized labor, judged by the unfairness of the views to which they give public expression. Some correspondence which passed between a member of the composing room chapel of the New York Evening Telegram and Woodrow Wilson, president of Princeton University, shows that the latter bases his opposition to union labor on somewhat narrow grounds. The letter to the Princeton educator was as follows:
Dear Sir-In the New York Times of June 14, which purports to give extracts of your baccalaureate address to the students of Princeton University, you are quoted as follows:
“You know what the usual standard of the employe is in our day. It is to give us as little as he may for his wages. Labor is standardized by the trade unions, and this is the standard to which it is made to conform. No one is suffered to do more than the average workman can do.
In some trades and handicrafts no one is suffered to do more than the least skilful of his fellows can do within the hours allotted to a day's labor, and no one may work out of hours at all or volunteer any. thing beyond the minimum."
Now, your reported remarks strike me as being so extraordinary-so different from what I, as a member of organized labor, have found to be the facts-that I feel impelled to ask you if the foregoing paragraph is a correct report of what you said.
If you are correctly quoted, I should like to have you give me your authority for your statement that in labor unions "no one is suffered to do more than the average workman can do." Also give me the names of a few trades or handicrafts where “no one is suffered to do more than the least skilful of his fellows can do within the hours
allotted to a day's labor, and no one may work out of hours at all or volunteer anything beyond the minimum."
As a matter of course, a president of a univer. sity of the reputed standing of Princeton would not make statements in his baccalaureate address unless he knows, or at least fully believes, that his statements are true. Therefore, it ought not to be a difficult matter for you to oblige me with the names of those labor unions whose laws, or even policies, bring about the results you specify.
To which President Wilson replied thusly:
MY DEAR SIR-Your letter of June 16 contains a very proper challenge. I quite agree that I ought not to make the statements I did make about the trade unions, unless I were able to cite cases in verification of my statements.
I, of course, had no individual trade unions in mind which I can name by number, but I had in mind several cases of buildings in New York city, for example, the bricklayers working on which spent about one-third of the working day sitting around, smoking their pipes and chatting, because they had laid the number of bricks to which they were limited for the day by the union to which they belonged. I had in mind numerous experiences of my own in dealing with workingmen in Princeton, where I once found it impossible, for example, on a very cold evening, to get a broken window pane mended at the house of an invalid friend, because the prescribed labor hours of the day were over and the glazier could not venture, without risking a strike, to do the work himself, and could not order any of his workmen to do it. I had in mind scores of instances, in short, lying within my own experience and resting upon the testimony of friends in whose veracity I have every reason to have the greatest confidence.
I, of course, could not, in the case of more than one or two of these instances, give legal proof of my assertions, but the evidences I have are entirely sufficient to convince me of the general truth of the statement I made.
In commenting on these statements the Milwaukee Journal asserted that “Like most college men, Dr. Wilson fails, or refuses, to look the real problem in the face. Like most college men, he fails to get the union labor viewpoint. Such sermons and addresses, conceived in misunderstanding and narrowness, tend to evil, for they widen the breach between unionism and those who mistakenly oppose it. Trade unionism is a symptom, not a disease. When labor is unoppressed it never organizes. When natural opportunities for self-employment are so free that all men may employ themselves at will, the labor union is unheard of.
“As to the restriction of output, Dr. Wilson should remember that such efficient machinery is now used, and laborers work such long hours, that when all are at work they make things faster than the world can buy them. Output must be cut down. How to do it is the question. The employer prefers to do it by employing a smaller force of more efficient men; but this leaves many out of work. The labor union prefers to do it by shorter hours of work. Failing in this, he may, and in many instances does, reduce output by less work per unit of time.
where a member accepts temporary work in a department that has been declined by men higher up on the priority list, and then is denied the opportunity to accept the first vacant situation in that department, simply because it is a situation, this member has had a distinct injustice done to him. If the priority law is to be applied without injustice, then the priority man, if he is entitled to the first vacant situation, should accept that situation or surrender his priority rights. The executive council can see from an International standpoint no injustice or illegality in the method that was in vogue,
and that a slipboard man accepting temporary work in the proof. room, for instance, holding himself ready to execute that temporary work at any time, should be entitled to the first vacant situation in that department, and so with all departments coming within the scope of the general slipboard. It is for respondent union to select the method that it desires to apply, but it can not continue with the method as outlined in its reply to appellant's appeal, a method that favors the priority man at every point in the application of the law, that per. mits the priority man to retain his priority until a situation that is peculiarly to his liking is vacant. It gives the priority man the opportunity to do distinct injustice to all of his fellows who are lower than he is on the general slipboard. If the law is to be applied this way on the general slipboard, then it is only fair that it should be ap. plied in the same way on the machine slipboard, and that the priority machine sub should have the privilege of declining the first vacant machine, if he does not like the mechanism of that particular machine, or the style of type that goes with it, and to retain his priority until special machine was open for his particular enjoyment.
Decision on Priority Rights. In rendering a decision on an appeal taken by two members of Seattle Typographical Union No. 202 from an action of that body, wherein the principles of priority were involved, the executive council of the International Typographical Union reversed the proceeding of No. 202, and in so doing has laid down a rule that a substitute declining to accept a situation in his regular turn, in order that he may later accept a situation more to his liking, forfeits his priority rights and must take his place at the bottom of the list. That portion of the decision which is the most important, and which should be familiar to every member of the organization, reads as follows:
In the office in which appellants are employed, the members designated on the general board the work that they desired to do, and when vacancies occurred the priority man who had been accepting subbing in the department in which the vacancy existed was given the vacant situation. This was objected to by respondent union in the present case, and it is claimed that the first priority man is entitled to the vacant situation, notwithstanding that he may have previously declined to accept temporary work in that department be. cause of his distaste for that particular kind of work. It can be plainly seen how this priority policy works out. A man at the head of the slipboard can decline subbing and situations that may be distasteful to him, and can wait until a situation comes along that is in every way satisfactory to him, and then accept that vacancy.
This is an injustice to every man that follows that man on the priority slipboard. If the priority law is to be enforced as respondent union indicates its desire to enforce it, then the priority man must accept the first vacant situation, and, declining to do so, assume his place at the bottom of the slipboard, thus not doing an injustice to the men who follow him.
It is submitted by the executive council that
For the first time in five years, the Journeymen Barbers' International Union will hold a convention the first week in October. Milwaukee will be the place of meeting. The organization was formed in 1887, in Buffalo, at a meeting that was attended by five men, representing five local unions of barbers. The membership when formed was about one hundred and fifty, and the membership in good standing at the present time is about twenty-six thousand.
During the last three years the carpenters' union has had the greatest increase in membership, the typographical union the greatest reduction of working hours, and the machinists' union had the greatest number of strikes, and, it is claimed, won a larger percentage of their contests than any other craft.
Morrison Dedicates Carpenters' Home.
The hundred-thousand-dollar headquarters building of the United Brotherhood of Carpenters and Joiners of America was dedicated at Indianapolis, Ind., July 22, being the first permanent home owned by either a national or international union in America. Frank Morrison, secretary of the American Federation of Labor, and a union printer, was accorded the honor of delivering the dedicatory address, part of which was as follows:
We are here today—the 22d of July, 1909–to dedicate to the cause of organized labor this beautiful building, erected in response to the will of more than 200,000 carpenters, members of the sec. ond largest branch of the American Federation of Labor—the United Brotherhood of Carpenters and Joiners of America. A building in which its officers will conduct their official business; a shrine which shall stand as a monument to the power and glory of the brotherhood; a temple, while not erected, as was Solomon's, "so that there was neither hammer, nor ax, nor tool of iron heard in the house while it was in building,” yet was erect. ed in its entirety by members of organized labor, each of whom worked but eight hours per day, thus complying with that shibboleth of the trade union, adopted as a war cry in their struggle for a shorter workday:
Eight hours for work,
Eight hours for what we will. It might not be amiss to point with pride to a few of the achievements of this organized labor which is praised on the one hand by those who know what it is doing to arouse the minds of the wage-workers to a realization of what can be accomplished by united action, and, on the other hand, is denounced and derided by those who fear that each new success of the trade union may mcan their undoing, and for that reason, and that reason alone, are with relentless hatred endeavor. ing to destroy the unions and discourage their members.
Let me now call your attention to some of the more tangible things that organized labor has done, is doing, and will continue to do as long as the necessity for organization exists.
Organized labor has placed a child labor law on nearly every statute book of every state of this union. One state and two territories have not a child labor law of some character-Hawaii, Ne. vada and New Mexico—the three states in which there are the least number of organized workers.
Organized labor has compelled the enactment of compulsory education laws and placed free textbooks in the hands of the pupils; but, my friends, notwithstanding that fact, there are today thousands of our little children of tender years wearing their lives away in mines, mills and factories. In the states where labor unions are weak, there you
find that the greed and avarice of owners of mines, mills and factories know no bounds. There the only hope for the salvation and protection of their youth is that organized labor may soon be in a position to go to their rescue.
In this city, a few years ago, a man with hatred in his heart formed an organization with the avowed purpose of destroying the wage-worker's only defense against the heartless and pitiless employer-his union. This man sprang upon the horizon, heralded with glad acclaim by the representatives of every union-hating corporation. His false and malicious denunciations of organized labor were published broadcast in the press of the country. Branches of the organization were formed in every city where a man could be found who had the slightest antipathy toward organized labor, with the expectation that they would be able to destroy its strength and power, and prevent its members from securing improved conditions. Attempt after attempt was made to make good their proud boast, but the efforts of these destroyers fell by the wayside. The force of their at. tacks was not sufficient to turn, let alone stem, the tide and growth of unionism among the workers. After several years of impotent effort on the part of this organization to destroy the unions, we find that the unions still live, and this ‘union hater, this organizer of discord, this lost soul, who raged over this land screaming out his hate, is forgotten. Why? He is forgotten because every organized body, whose sole reason for existence is for the purpose of destroying those organizations whose efforts are for the uplift of humanity, and which have brought happiness and contentment to count. less thousands, will not, must not, and can not, long survive in this Christian land of ours.
Informing the Farmers. A campaign of education among the truck gardeners and farmers in the small towns and villages of Wisconsin, in the interest of the union label, has been inaugurated by Milwaukee Typographical Union. The Society of Equity (a farmers' union) has already done much good work along this line in the Badger state, and the remarkable success of the comparatively small effort on the part of the Equity people has suggested to the members of No. 23 the value of a general campaign in the interest of the typographical label among the farmers. In conformity to this line of action, the following resolutions, prepared by Secretary La Fleur, of Milwaukee Union, were adopted by the Wisconsin State Federation of Labor, which held its annual session last month at Eau Claire:
Whereas, The people of the rural districts are not all aware of the significance of the printers' the nomination for state printer. Now, there are probably printers in Kansas who are just as good printers as Tom Brown, but we hardly think there are any better in the state. And while there may be, and probably are, just as good printers, there is no man in the state who is at all likely to be a candidate for the place who knows as much about the state printing plant as he.
In addition to being a good printer and thor. oughly familiar with the work of the state plant, he is a good business man and would manage the business of the plant carefully and honestly. We ought to be in a position to know what we are talking about, and we unhesitatingly say, without detracting from the ability of any other gentleman who may be a candidate for this office, that Tom Brown is better fitted for the place than any of them. This is because of his long service in the plant, his entire familiarity with the work that is required to be done for the various institutions and departments and his methodical business habits.
union label. Many imagine that because newspapers, books, circulars, etc., are not products of the farm, it is immaterial to farmers whether the union label appears on them or not.
Whereas, The farmer will want to sell his chickens, eggs, wheat, corn, pork and beef in a market patronized by people who are reasonably prosperOus. He will want to sell these things in Milwau. kee, but it will not pay him to sell them in markets which are patronized by impoverished people. Workingmen and their families are the farmers' patrons. If these are impoverished they must confine their purchases to absolute necessities. If the workingman is prosperous he will buy liberally; he will make your beef, poultry, grain and garden truck Ay. The money in the pockets of the city workingman finds its way to the pockets of the farmer.
Whereas, The union label means plenty; it reduces the workingman's weary hours of toil and makes him want things. He doesn't want many things when he works ten, twelve and fourteen hours a day. In that case all he wants is a place to lay his tired bones and a large quantity of beer and whisky to make him forget his misery. The label gives him more wages, more food and more clothes, and to get more food and more clothes he inust patronize the farmer. Now, therefore, be it
Resolved by the Wisconsin State Federation of Labor, in annual session assembled, That the farm. ers and all residents of rural districts of the great state of Wisconsin be requested to demand that the printers' union label appear on all newspapers and printed matter reaching them from Milwaukee and other large cities.
Resolved, further, That the farmers and residents of rural districts will perform a kindly act that will aid in the betterment of humanity without cost to themselves, as well as further their own best interests, by demanding the printers' union label on all newspapers and printed matter reaching them from Milwaukee.
Something About the Courts. In Collier's of recent date-and Collier's is by no means a labor or radical publication—there appeared this article, which sheds light on the thimblerigging indulged in by some of the higher courts:
The courts in many western and southwestern states have for nearly a generation been corruptly controlled by the railroads and other large corporations. Of the largeness of this generality, we are by no means unaware. To the specifications under it which we have already given, we shall from time to time add others. Corporation control of legislatures is evil enough; corporation control of the courts is infinitely more sinister for this reason: One purchased decision makes the law for future generations. That is the way courts work-one final decision is binding upon all the judges in the same state. Every future similar case that comes up must be decided the same way. It will take several decades of honest courts to undo the wrong that has been fastened uport the people of several western states by the judges that the railroads and corporations have controlled in the past.
The supreme court of the state of Washington just about a year ago heard and decided a damage suit (Harris vs. the Great Northern Railway Company). They decided it against the company. The railroad company paid the amount of the judg. ment-about $1,400. They didn't mind that much money, but they went to work to guard against ever again losing a similar suit. Their Spokane attorney, M. J. Gordon, carefully prepared an. other opinion, changing the law as previously laid down by the court. This opinion he sent on to the head office of the Great Northern Company in Minneapolis. There it was carefully read by the chief counsel of the railroad, W. R. Begg, and by him approved as an opinion which, if once inserted in the law books, would safeguard the rail.
Tom Brown for State Printer. Thomas B. Brown, of Topeka, Kan., is making an active canvass for the office of state printer, with every prospect of success. Tom Brown is well known to the membership of the International Typographical Union, and has represented No. 121 in conventions of that body. For soi years he served on the Cummings memorial committee, being a member at the time it was abolished by the Boston convention of 1908. The Farmers' Mail and Breeze, a publication of wide circulation and influence in the aspirant's own state, recently contained the following endorsement:
Tom Brown, who has been for nearly sixteen years foreman of the composing room in the state printing plant, has announced his candidacy for
road against ever again losing a damage suit like the Ilarris one. Begg, the chief counsel, having approved the opinion, sent it back to Gordon, the local Great Northern attorney in Spokane. Gor. don then carried the opinion to his close friend, Judge Milo A. Root, who had written the first opinion in the Harris case, and got Judge Root to substitute the opinion which the railroad attorney had prepared. Judge Root subsequently admitted this, and all the facts are established by correspondence and evidence in the possession of the state bar association. We presume that even those lawyers who criticise us bitterly for undermining popular faith in the sanctity of the courts will not fail to feel some horror at this transaction. The opinion prepared by the railroad attorney was so worded as to protect the corporation from future losses in similar damage suits. It was filed hurriedly, so that it might govern the trial court in Spokane in another damage suit against the railroad, about to be tried. Gordon, the local attorney for the Great Northern, who was the prime mover in this transaction, was himself years ago chief justice of the state of Washington, and resigned that office to accept the rail. road attorneyship. While he held the office of chief justice, he handed down a long series of opinions which astonished lawyers by their corpo. rate leanings. One of these set aside a clearly expressed statute and deprived any one but the widow and children of a man killed by the negli. gence of the railroads of the right to sue for damages for his death. This made it impossible, for example, for a mother to sue for damages for the death of her son. It made it possible for the railroads, by carefully employing only unmarried men, to avoid any pecuniary responsibility for the safety of the lives of those who worked for them.
The judicial scandal now disquieting the state of Washington is only an episode. So rank have been many of the corporation decisions handed down by the supreme courts in some southern and western states that the federal courts are refusing to follow them. Among these are decisions which deny to the heirs of a foreigner working in this country the right to sue for damages for the negligence which results in his death. lIaving got this judicial precedent fixed in the law books, the way was simple for the corporations: employ foreigners only, use no safety devices, kill as many as you like, and rerra: immune from dam
The discrimination against citizens of the United States in the hiring of men is a small part of this brutality. In one case in the west, where a score of miners were killed through the alleged fault of one of the subsidiary corporations of the Amalgamated Copper Company, the damage suits were all thrown out of court on the theory that the widows and children of these men had no rights. Some of the federal courts have declared this attitude contrary to law and justice. The scandal of the supreme court of Colorado is fresh in the public mind. That court
was in creased by law from three to seven-a somewhat similar increase was recently made in Washington --and the Colorado court was packed by certain
corporations whose candidates were selected by them and appointed by the governor.
It was done to secure certain decisions unfriendly to labor and to protect certain franchises by which the city of Denver was despoiled. Exactly what happened in Washington happened there-a decision against a corporation was withdrawn and changed to favor the corporation.
When the higher courts indulge in such chicanery we can hardly expect the lower courts to be above reproach. The Chicago Daily Socialist is somewhat sensational, but it has an entertaining story about how gamblers are punished in the Windy City. It gives names and dates with such circumstantiality as to leave no doubt regarding the correctness of its statements. The exact terms of the court order are given, and also text of a certification to the effect that when the remission was authorized there were present the judge, state's attorney and sheriff, which, of course, is all a part of the tweedledee and tweedledum which the legal fraternity throws around the proceedings of the judiciary to give them "dignity" in the eyes of the public. The important thing about the matter is that the Socialist quotes several judges as saying there is no law or ,custom which permits of remission of part of a minimum fine by the judge. One of the jurists said: "If you will show me any law that allows a judge to remit fines, I will pay the fines myself.” So far as we have been able to ascertain, not one of the Chicago daily newspapers has had a word to say about this particular transaction, although it must have been known to all courthouse reporters. Perhaps the practice is too common to call for report or comment, or perhaps it is simply in accordance with the policy of silence.” But here is the Socialist's amazing "story":
State's Attorney John E. W. Wayman is paying his Chicago Heights pre-election pledges with a vengeance these days. He is being aided nobly by one Judge Theodore Brentano.
Wayman's pet scheme for aiding his gambling. proprietor friends is by having Judge Brentano fine them $100, the minimum provided by law, and then remit $80 or $90 of it.
In some cases more than half a dozen separate indictments have been made out against Wayman's gambling friends, especially on the charge of "keeping slot machines.” It's easy to get them off, however. A small fine in the first case and a