uninformed as to the inner workings of such institutions that are supposed to supply our homes with pure and wholesome literature.

The writer does not wish to convey the idea that all religious denominations are opposed to organized labor, for such is not the case. We all know the Rev. Mr. Stelzle, of the Presbyterian church, is doing a magnificent work in behalf of those who toil and organized labor in particular.

Take, for instance, a few: The Methodist, United Brethren in Christ and Christian denominations, besides many others, all of whom employ none but supposed "heroes" in their composing rooms, and at least one of whom, the United Brethren, with a publishing house at Dayton, Ohio, not alone refused to grant the eight-hour day in 1906 to the union printers then in their employ, but were not fair enough to grant a conference, allowing their men to present their claims. Such is religion from one standpoint, where so great is the interest shown in the "uplift of man" that you could put it in your eye without winking.

Institutions of this character are our bitterest enemies and are hard to convert, for many persons among their number would rather contribute toward the folly of their publishing agents than to express themselves in favor of what they themselves believe to be right and just. Then, again, these agents in their political maneuverings have free access to the columns of their church literature to declare their side of the question and monopolize a strict censorship over its reading matter as far as organized labor is concerned.

An excellent illustration of political jugglery came to light in the jurisdiction of No. 57 not many weeks ago. For several years the members of No. 57 have been trying to have the Exponent, a Catholic monthly, which is being printed by the United Brethren publishing house, placed in a union office; at last the managers of the publication consented to do so and accordingly asked for bids from union printers. The affair was about settled when something happened. The Religious Telescope, the official organ of the United Brethren church, fell into the hands of a devout Catholic, who read its contents, among which was an awful tirade upon Catholicism. A day or so thereafter the article was read and commented upon from the pulpit of a Catholic church. This was the deciding point in favor of our cause, but the "boss" of the United Brethren heard of it, and in a very short time a lengthy letter was received by a number of dignitaries of the Catholic church apologizing for the ignorance of the writer of the tirade, accompanied by a census taken of the religious faith of the employes of the United Brethren. That settled it; the Exponent is still printed by non-unionists. This is what you call religious politics, and one that is not founded on the bible.

The writer worked in the United Brethren for a while, to his sorrow, and if he had a dollar for every word of abuse that was printed against Catholicism in the Telescope there would be two printers' conventions this year.

Religion at the United Brethren Publishing

House is like a whole lot of other things; there is only one side to it-the side of the dollar markand where the "uplift of man" has been changed to the "uplift of woman-on the dollar."

The agent of the United Brethren Publishing House is selected every four years, and the time of re-election is soon at hand. Politics has already been put into action. Four years ago, through the agent's magnificent effort, the church floated a large bonded indebtedness in order to erect an office building, incidentally, and return the old agent, particularly. Both were accomplished. Now it is a rehash; the time has again arrived for a selection of an agent, and, also another large building is in course of erection for need of more space, incidentally, and the present agent wants to be returned, particularly. Such is life! And what are you members of the denomination doing in the meanwhile? Let us spread the good tidings "for the glory of God and the salvation of man." Dayton, Ohio. CALVIN O. LERCH.

INJUNCTION IS THE THING?

The use of the injunction has become so popu lar in putting a quietus (?) upon the activities of leaders of the labor world that a certain member of No. 16 "threatens" to use that instrument in defeating the wishes of the International Typographical Union if the membership should vote by referendum to establish an insurance feature. In the April number of THE JOURNAL J. W. Kerr

says:

I do not believe that the International could legally force insurance on its members; and there is where the much-abused injunction law would get, in all probability, another test, for it is almost certain it would have to stand a test in the courts. I don't believe the membership would stand for such an injustice without a fight-at least, a part of them. Of course, it would have to go to referendum, and it would in all probability receive its death blow, but if it carried, by any chance, it would in all probability be attacked by the minority.

And then, "in all probability," for the third time, it would not. If the membership by referendum sustains the protective policy, the constitution will be amended to meet the new law, and our obligation would prevent the minority from resorting to the "relief" afforded by the "muchabused injunction." The idea of an injunction to defeat the will of a majority vote of the International Typographical Union is ridiculously absurd. "In union there is strength." This is a good motto, and the minority should always submit gracefully, while the victorious should not be exultant. No. 16 has already gone on record favor. ing an insurance feature, and the proposition will surely become a law if once submitted to the membership.

In the January number of THE JOURNAL the editor says in reference to the insurance problem:

There seems to be considerable objection to entering the insurance field, in competition with regular companies or benefit societies, and it is somewhat doubtful-in view of the fact that many of our members are now carrying insurance of

that nature-whether the adoption of such a plan would be wise and beneficial.

The statement that union insurance will compete with regular companies or benefit societies is erroneous, from the fact that many of our members are now carrying insurance of that nature and others can not get any in those companies. We will not compete with any company or society, for the reason that our insurance will be furnished exclusively for our membership. It will not be for profit, but for protection. No com pany or society could compete with us, because we can furnish our own membership protection for a less rate than companies organized exclusively for profit. It would be both wise and beneficial to the membership to adopt a protective scheme whereby all of our members could get insurance at the least possible cost to our members, furnished by our members for our members. We, as a body, agree to insure each other. If a member dies, the survivors agree to pay a certain sum; an assessment is levied, collected and paid to the rightful heir of the deceased. No money is accumulated only to pay death losses; the expense is so small that we would not miss it, besides the benefit is great to the family of the departed.

The St. Joseph convention gives promise of being a busy one, and the unfinished business of the Boston assembly should be taken up and disposed of. There were a number of heavy propositions submitted at the latter place, and the writer sincerely hopes that the fortunate candidates for delegates to St. Joe will take some definite action relative to the insurance proposi tion, one of the greatest problems that will come before them during their stay in the "show-me" town. At Boston a number of propositions were presented, and all of them were submitted to the executive council.

Delegate Berry, of Chicago, offered a resolution "directing the president to appoint a committee to investigate the mortality among our members, study insurance statistics and report to the 1909 convention of the International Typographical Union constitutional amendments proIviding for the creation of a life insurance department to be available only to members of this organization."

Delegate Lynch, of Ottawa, Kan., also submitted a proposition authorizing the "fifty-fourth session to propose and recommend some plan whereby its members may be enabled to procure life insurance at a nominal cost, and thereby provide for those dependents who may not partici pate in anywise in any of the craft's present benefits."

Delegate Piner, of Chicago (on behalf of the writer), submitted a plan of insurance that was more comprehensive in its character than that of any other, providing for a graduated policy of insurance according to length of membership, as follows: If death occurs between the first and fifth year of one's membership, $350 to be paid; between the fifth and tenth year, $750; after the tenth year, $1,000. To raise the money to meet

death losses an assessment not to exceed 3 cents is to be levied when a member dies.

All of these propositions should be studied by the delegates to St. Joe, and the various articles that have appeared in THE JOURNAL should be read in order that the delegates can understand the proposition and vote intelligently for its amicable solution. Whether any particular plan is adopted or not, the plain proposition, "Are you in favor of the International Typographical Union adopting an insurance feature?" should be submitted to a referendum vote. It is a grand proposition, and the writer hopes that the craft will soon place it upon the statutes of the International Typographical Union as a most worthy and beneficent companion to "Our Home, Sweet Home" and the old-age pension law. Chicago, Ill.

T. F. PILCHER.

USE THE STICKERS.

The label stickers, in my estimation, are not used as frequently as they should be. The Business Men's Association of Saratoga Springs, about two years ago, appointed a committee, known as the publicity commission, whose purpose it is to advertise the village as a summer resort. This commission spends thousands of dollars annually in the printing of pamphlets and booklets, which are distributed freely all over the world, and which have never borne the union label. As far as we know, never has a single copy been returned because it did not bear the union label.

No. 149 sent a letter to this commission with a request to have the label placed on all such matter, and, through its agent, we learned the letter was read and ordered placed on file. We have worked hard for the label since the campaign started, sending back, with stickers attached, many booklets, etc., from other out-of-town advertisers. We now ask, through these columns, that every member will use the stickers freely on all literature advertising Saratoga Springs as a summer resort, or otherwise, returning it to the publicity commission, Saratoga Springs, N. Y. We feel, if this be done, in a short time No. 149 will again. be able to publish an article in these columns thanking the brothers for having so greatly aided us in securing the label on all printing of Saratoga Springs business men. JOHN F. HAYS. Saratoga Springs, N. Y.

I. T. U. SICK BENEFIT.

In reading THE JOURNAL I find it filled with priority, old age pension and insurance articles. With or without priority, the union will survive. The old age pension is a grand thing to the aged who are disabled from work, and, while the insurance idea is a good one, I feel that other things are more pressing than the matter of insurance. "Insurance in life," in my opinion, is of more importance to the membership at large than "insurance after death," and by insurance in life I mean an International sick benefit. Such a benefit is of more importance to the membership in gen

eral than the insurance idea; and the member in life, when confined to home, in the hospital or among strangers by illness, would, if the International had a sick benefit, have the satisfaction of knowing that an income was coming each week to help relieve distress and immediate wants. A large number of local unions already have such benefits, and it would, in the opinion of the writer, be no difficulty to get the members of such unions to vote for an International law granting sick benefits; and then such unions could, if they desire, abolish the local sick benefit, because the assessment or dues used to keep it up in local unions would be paid into the International treasury, perhaps in a decreased amount, and the sick benefit would come each week just the same, with the guarantee of the International back of it. Thus the danger of a shortage of funds to pay benefits, which often exists in local unions, owing to an immense amount of sickness, would be eliminated. Then there are many small unions whose membership is not large enough to maintain a sick fund, whose members would be beneficiaries under a sick benefit law. This would, in a large measure, tend to give the member of the small union of this nature some encouragement other than that of only maintaining a union for the purpose of increasing wages. We are all now paying into the old age pension fund; that is all right, but thousands of us will never reach the age of 60 years, as the Grim Reaper sweeps the most of us "into that bourne from which no traveler returns" long before that period of life. Many who reach the 60-year mark continue active at the trade until such time as the fellow who calls time says "23, skidoo," and a funeral cortege moves you to that resting place where he or she will sleep till Gabriel blows his trumpet. Still, all these members at some time or other get sick, and at that critical time money is needed. If the member has no income hardship is sure to follow. An International sick benefit would go a long way to aid the member in distress, and would be much better right now than insurance. It must be remembered that in the International membership there are many who have no one dependent on them to make it an object to carry insurance, and it is a question whether an insurance assessment against them would be just; but no such question could be raised against a sick assessment, because this element of our membership, when they get sick, have no place to go but the hospital or the almshouse, and an International sick benefit would make it unnecessary for any one to become a charity patient at the expense of the city, county or township. These men need a sick benefit as much, if not more, than many men who live at home with mother or have children they can depend upon. As a large percentage of this class belong to the tourist element, and are here today and away tomorrow, and never give the idea of getting sick a thought, and carry no sick protection of any kind, a sick benefit would be a boon to them, while an insurance would be, on the part of many, paying for something that they and those dependent on them could not realize on.

The writer did not marry until the age of 34 years. Up to that time he did not carry insurance. His mother and father were dead and he had no one to look after but himself. Similar cases of this kind can be found at the present day, and in such cases the member sees no need of insurance, but can readily see the need of sick benefits. Since marriage I carry five insurance policies three life and two accident-and thousands of other members of the International Union who never thought of insurance till after marriage are doing the same. I see George McDonald, of Lockport, N. Y., wants it to run for ten weeks. I believe in doing better than that-adopt the plan of the cigar makers' union and grant it as long as sickness lasts. A member admitted to the Home does not have his time limited to weeks, neither does an old age pensioner; then why should the sick member who is down and out? By all means, let us have an International sick benefit and an increase of the death benefit in place of insurance. Let insurance wait awhile. EDWARD MILLER. Fort Wayne, Ind.

THE PENSION LAW.

He

As the pension law now stands it will deprive a few worthy old members of the International Typographical Union of its benefits, which, in my opinion, was never intended. For example: A young man of 21 joins a union and continues an active member for thirty or forty years. goes into some other business, but is not successful. He returns to his old trade and is reinstated. Now, according to the pension law as it now reads, he must prove an active membership continuously for twenty years before being entitled to it. Washington, D. C. JOHN COOLEY.

OLD AGE PENSIONS.

In the March JOURNAL was a brief but very sensible communication from B. F. Harrison, of New Orleans, on the subject of old age pensions. As the law is interpreted, a man who may have paid dues for forty years is not eligible for the pension should it be shown that he had at some time during the last ten years an honorable withdrawal card for one, two or three years. On the other hand, the man who joins at the age of 40 (and who possibly during the twenty years when he ought to have been in the union may have been an open opponent of unionism) can apply for the pension at the age of 60-and get it. There are not a few cases like this: A man

joins a union, we'll say, in 1876; he holds membership continuously until 1901-twenty-five years; then he tries another business, and takes out an honorable withdrawal card; at the end of three years he finds that he can not make a "go" of it and again takes out a working card. From 1904 to 1909 adds five years, making thirty years he has been a member-twenty-five years continuously. Will any fair-minded man argue that the latter is not entitled to as much consideration as the man who does not join a union until he is 40

years of age? I feel, however, that everything will be straightened out in time-after the pension plan has been given a fair trial. I can not believe those who were instrumental in inaugurating the plan intended that it should work a hardship on any member: THOMAS H. GILMAN. Boston, Mass.

PIPE THE MERGENTHALER.

The following information may be of value to members of local unions who are interested in the sanitary condition of the composing room, especially where linotype machines are in operation. In union offices in the city of Detroit there are sixty-eight Mergenthalers, all of which are piped to the open air, carrying off the poisonous gases which arise from the metal pot. The employes appreciate the consideration shown by the employers in this regard, and do not hesitate to state that it is not only beneficial to the physical welfare of printers in the room, but produces bet ter results for the office. The men have greater ambition and energy to perform their duties, and there is no doubt that the office will be fully compensated by better workmanship from its employes.

The writer will be pleased to forward a copy of the Michigan law to any one desiring the same. The paragraphs of especial importance to printers read as follows:

Whenever a foundry is so constructed or oper ated that smoke, steam, dust or noxious gases are not promptly carried off by the general ventilation, exhaust fans shall be provided. No salamanders

or open fire places shall be used unless ample provision is made for conveying the gases arising therefrom directly from the building.

During the past few weeks there have come to my desk appeals from three different labor organizations for financial assistance in carrying on a strike or for other purposes-one from the American Federation of Labor for assistance in the Gompers, Mitchell and Morrison case, another from the United Hatters, and the third from the Amalgamated Association of Street Car Employes. These appeals, with several others that have been received in the past, have set me to thinking.

Does organized labor throughout the country respond financially to these appeals? If not, what must be expected? From replies that I have received to letters sent to certain organizations on strike and in trouble, I am convinced that assistance is not rendered to the extent necessary. There remains but one inevitable alternative for the organization on strike or in any other trouble -accept defeat. These organizations in trouble

must have funds. We can not expect the striking man, when want, hunger and starvation stare himself and his wife and children in the face at every turn, to prolong the struggle for his rights. If he can't get assistance he is compelled to go back to work. The attorney in a labor case in court must have his fees; he insists upon it, or the case is lost.

Now, the question arises: How is this assistance to be given? Local unions of small membership are not usually in a position to render aid, and those who are in a position to do so are often indifferent, and the larger unions cannot be expected to do all the giving.

It seems to me that these appeals for assistance from labor organizations in trouble should be taken care of. Their cause is our cause. Their victory is our victory. Their defeat is our defeat. One organization defeated in a struggle for a righteous purpose is a direct loss to every other organization. A victory for one is a victory for all.

I should think that there could be an agreement between all national and international bodies to render necessary assistance to each other in case of large strikes. Or, let the American Federation of Labor finance all strikes of affiliated bodies, funds for the same to be procured by levying a tax on all national and international unions affiliated, and such national and international unions in turn to levy a small tax upon the membership of their respective unions. It would mean small thing to each individual member or union, but the great idea would be a horrible nightmare to the manufacturers' association.

a

Now, I may be way off on this question, but so many struggles, so many appeals for assistance, so many losses, so much suffering, so much money expended, and yet, so little attention paid to these appeals by a vast portion of organized labor, have prompted me to write that some little thought may be dropped that might stir the great army of wage-earners to a realization of the dangers that confront them. We are told that "in union there is strength." Then when one organization is in trouble, let us unite with it (financially) and help it out. If all organizations were united in this way, what a power we could be.

Manufacturers and employers of all classes and trades are combining and using their combined wealth to destroy the labor movement, and it behooves all unions to unite their forces against the common enemy. We too often do not stop to think of the power of combination. The manufacturer and the employer realize it, and are spending time and wealth in throwing up a battlement against the onward march of unionism, against the progress of the millions of libertyloving wage-earning population. Wake up, men! The blood of thy brother calls out to thee from the ground! Arise at once and go to his assistance! I would like to see something from others on this question: How are we to combine our efforts in rendering assistance to other trade unions in distress? MARSHALL A. OAKLEY, Bay City, Mich.

WOMAN'S INTERNATIONAL AUXILIARY. President-Mrs. Charles Hertenstein, 3653 Dodier street, St. Louis, Mo. Secretary-Mrs. Frank W. Long, 4926 Ash street, Norwood, Cincinnati, Ohio.

THE PRESIDENT'S LETTER.

Since the last issue of THE JOURNAL two new auxiliaries have been organized-Springfield (Ohio) No. 14, with twenty-four members, and Dallas (Texas) No. 15, with twenty-one members. The officers of both these auxiliaries write that their membership will be increased considerably over the number applying for the charter and that the interest in the new organizations is great. Most all locals are reporting increases in their membership, so that we are making steady gains.

There appears to be more or less discussion at this time over the question as to whether the two-year election law passed the last convention, and opinions differ on the subject. The record bears out the contention that it did pass, and my recollection is clear that many of last year's delegates expressed their impressions to me at the time of its passage that I would hold office for two years. However, the law could not be retroactive and did not go into effect until December 1, 1908. The fact remains that the proposition was submitted to the referendum and adopted. There was not a single objection at the time it was submitted to the referendum, and the fact that it is raised at this time does not speak well for the referendum, as it indicates that the objectors did not discuss the proposition in their locals as is contemplated by the referendum. As the matter stands, the two-year law is effective until reversed. It was adopted by the highest authority in the or ganization-the membership.

The monument fund received a substantial increase the past month and we are considerably nearer what we expect to realize for its completion.

We continue to receive assurances from merchants with whom our members deal that the union label will in the future be placed on their printing. If you have not yet broached this subject to the tradesmen who receive your patronage, do it now. MRS. CHARLES HERTENSTEIN.

St. Louis, Mo.

ST. JOSEPH, MO.

At the regular meeting of No. 6, on April 6, the members subscribed liberally to the monument fund. The business transacted pertained almost exclusively to the merchants' and manufacturers' exposition. The great auditorium put on the habiliments of a miniature world's fair, with its streets of Cairo, Japanese acrobats, Eskimo village and a real Ferris wheel in operation on the outside. The

auxiliary's two booths, decorated in the purple and gold of the order, occupied prominent positions in the hall, and the attendants, dressed in white, drew the crowds. Ice cream and candy and home cooking were the attractions at one booth and at the other a lively raffle was in progress, a mahog any rocker being the object of rivalry.

Last month the members gave a tacky party and taffy pull at union headquarters. Mrs. Charles Rhode, as "Sis Hopkins," captured the first prize, and the second was awarded Mrs. P. W. Curtis. A pleasant social event of the month was a surprise which the members gave Mrs. Rhode on her birthday.

We will see you all in August. St. Joseph shows you! MARY CAHILL.

In the April JOURNAL, I made a statement of how the monument fund stood at that date. Since then the fund has increased so that I feel the other liberal contributions should receive the same notice. A circular sent to the locals, requesting the members to hold some kind of entertainment on March 17, added almost $100 to the fund. I do not know how many locals held an entertainment on that day, but I know the circular did much to encourage the members to action. A few auxiliaries have been most generous in their help. St. Louis contributed handsomely with $30 more, having already given $15. The St. Louis auxiliary members are surely helping our International president in the work of the Woman's International Auxiliary. The International officers are all on the committee, and I am sure the entire memberIship would like to hear from them on the monument fund subject. Every letter from the International president has a little boosting, and it helps us a good deal. So get busy, ladies, and