man they selected was Ottmar Mergenthaler, then employed in a Baltimore machine shop at a few dollars a day, and he devised the plans for the linotype from ideas submitted to him by Devine and Warburton.

"Fifty-Seven Kinds of a D- Fool."

C. W. Post, of Battle Creek-what a world of deceitfulness and heartlessness that name stands for!—is going to have labor organizations put out of business by having the editors deny them space. In a letter to the Editor and Publisher, he unfolds his mendacious self and his great scheme. He has been amused at the ease with which the labor trust (pet phrase of Post's) has fooled the editors and publishers of the country by getting advertising without paying for it, while capitalists have to come over with the cold cash. Gompers is a great offender in that respect! If he calls on the president the newspapers mention it and give Gompers an opportunity to say something on some labor topic. This is pure advertising, and is one of the means whereby Gompers keeps his "dupes" paying dues. So he ought to be made to pay for the space at the usual rates. Somewhere Post is conducting what he is pleased to call a newspaper that will not print truthful items about labor people except as advertising matter. He calls on the press to follow his example.

Post must be the quintessence of egotism. It never occurs to him that the newspapers print what Gompers and other labor men have to say because they are recognized as men of affairs in their spheres, and great numbers want to hear their views, whereas Post and Parry and their ilk are public bores, who cease to be even amusing when the people became accustomed to their picturesque methods and audacious system of misrepresentation. From the standpoint of the world, these fellows have nothing but money to give, and so the newspapers make them pay for the promotion of their mean philosophy. If Post had a noble soul, capable of doing good for humanity, and sufficient character to be honest with himself, he would not have to buy space-the world would want to hear him.

He displays his ignorance of the labor movement when he suggests a conspiracy of silence as a means of destroying it. The muddled egotist possibly doesn't know that up to the middle eighties the press not only refused to print news of trade unions, but even went so far as to deny that there was a "labor question." There was, however, and it grew and grew, till now even feudalists like Post can not deny the existence of labor issues. As it is, the press does not profess to do justice to the union movement, and so great have been and are its misrepresentations that it is powerless to stem the tide that is setting in for unionism.

Meantime an aroused sense of decency and a love of humanity will yet make the publishers refuse Post's money when he offers it to pay for one of his ridiculous screeds. A Battle Creek admirer was dilating on the Prince of Ground Toast, extolling his virtues to a unionist, when he added: "I don't wonder at your amazement, for I must admit he is more than fifty-seven kinds of a damn fool when he writes or speaks for the public ear."

If Mr. Post wants an audience without paying for it, let him do something for humanity, and not always be endeavoring to feed his insatiable greed. There's a reason for his lack of a following.

The President Said.

Appearing before the convention of the American Newspaper Publishers' Association, held in New York during the latter part of April, President Lynch said:

MR. CHAIRMAN AND GENTLEMEN-It is my pleas ure to again appear before a convention of your association, not that I have anything to say that will in any way affect our relations, inasmuch as these relations are definitely determined in the contract that exists between us, but for the opportu nity it affords me to express my appreciation of the friendly feeling that exists between these two great organizations of employers and employes, the American Newspaper Publishers' Association and the International Typographical Union.

I think that we have demonstrated conclusively the value of the arbitration agreement as a means to industrial peace, even though decisions under that agreement have not at all times been satisfactory to the local parties at interest.

Indeed, we can hardly hope for any agreement along arbitration lines that will produce satisfac tion in any given case where the dispute concerns

hours and wages. It is only natural that the union should believe it was entitled to all it asked, and the employer to maintain that he was entitled to something less than the actual award. Each party may rely on his supposed strength, and that feeling of security may foster the idea that a different result might have been arrived at in actual warfare. I submit, however, that while there may not be a feeling of entire satisfaction as a result of the awards made by the National Board of Arbitration in the disputes concerning hours and wages, that feeling does not begin to approach the rancor, hatred and venom engendered by a strike. It makes no difference which side wins, there has been a rupture of friendly relations, the creation of personal hatreds, and the sundering of industrial agreements, that make for the damage of both parties to the strike, no matter which party may be victorious. In making this assertion, I want to be understood as opposed to the strike where it can be avoided under agreements such as ours, but in absolute favor of a strike when it is the only weapon left the wage-earner for the safeguarding of his rights. Under the three agreements that have existed between our organizations, friction with the newspapers has been reduced to the minimum. These papers have appeared on time, and disputes have been adjusted, whether satisfactorily to the local parties at interest or not. I sincerely trust that the remaining three years of the agreement may be as peaceable as the two years that have passed, and I am sure that in that expression I voice the entire membership.

I take this opportunity to acknowledge the patience and courtesy of the members of your special standing committee, and especially of Mr. Kellogg, your official representative.

In addition to what I formally put on paper, it was my intention to refer at length to a most remarkable speech made by the president of this association before the meeting of the National Civic Federation held in New York some months ago. The meeting was held for the purpose of furthering the trade agreement as a means toward industrial peace in all avocations. I am usually lamblike, although in appearance I may not suggest it, and I went up to the meeting and boosted our agreement, and told the audience what a nice thing we had, and how perfectly in harmony we were in matters that affected our industry; and then the president of your association told the assembled auditors what a terrible aggregation of individuals made up these international unions of the printing trade, and how we had lured your association into an agreement that had not worked out as satisfactorily as we had assured you it would work out. I was somewhat surprised-very much surprised. Mr. Ridder followed me, and I had been spreading the peace and harmony idea, and he broke it all up. And, as I said, it was my intention to come here and reply to some of the specific accusations he made, but, in thinking it over, I finally came to the conclusion that Mr. Ridder didn't mean what he told the people up there, and that we really had such a good agreement, and were getting along so nicely, that he was afraid

some other industry would get in, and, through inability to work out its provisions, spoil the thing. Our agreement makes to the benefit of both of us, and, with that afterthought of what he did really mean and what he really intended, I decided to say nothing at all about that very remarkable speech he delivered. And when he got through, by the way, he shot right out of the door, and went away quick, very quick, too, for a big man. I can only add, in supplementing what my colleagues have said, that we appreciate very much the relations that exist between our associations and your association, but we don't want-I don't want any of the publishers here to run away with the idea that our members are all enamored with arbitration, and cry for it the first thing in the morning, because they don't do anything of the kind; and, if some of your people object to arbitration, we can assure you we have a whole lot who object to it, and perhaps we have some of the problems in satisfying our members that you have, Mr. President. But it is the principle that counts, and I believe it is the principle that will win in the long run. Gentlemen, I thank you.

Willing to Sacrifice for Progress.

Writing in the May number of the American Magazine, under the title, "The Old Order Changeth," and comparing the creation of public sentiment with the achievement of its ends as against public clamor and its eventual collapse and failure, William Allen White has this to say of the American labor movement:

One of the most ominous shadows casting itself before some coming event in our national life is the American Federation of Labor. And it is important, not because it affects so many people, though probably ten million Americans are directly affected by the life of the federation; it is important because of the way these ten millions of people are affected. For all of them, men who work and their wives, sisters, children, sweethearts, fathers and mothers, and sympathizing friends, make the federation or some one of its component parts their religion. They are willing to sacrifice not only their comfort for it, but time and again they do sacrifice their very necessities for it. Their conduct-which is nine-tenths of life -is regulated by the federation, and their creed in religion and politics is more or less biased by it. The material results of their altruistic faith in the federation may be seen in the fact that the members paid $1,257,244 in death benefits last year, and $593,541 in sick benefits, $205,254 in unemployed benefits, and $2,549.759 in strike benefits. Here is a grand total of four and a half million dollars raised by men to whom a dollar means more than a hundred dollars means to the forces these men are contending with. And when one considers what a vast amount of time and thought and service has come in proportion to this money for this cause, one must recognize that eventually

the men who devote that sacrifice in money, and that time and thought and personal service to the common good, must accomplish real results. For whatever error now is impeding them, whether error in their own demands or error in the claims of their opponents, must go down before such an organized force.

For this is not a material world. In the organi zation of this thing we call civilization, there is no force so resistless as kindness, and this vast kindness of the workers to their brethren-whatever of cruelty, whatever of meanness it may call forth either on their own side, or on the side of their antagonists, in spite of the evil the kindness must win some substantial reward in the end. Laws may be temporarily denied to them, courts may check them, and executives keep them within their legal restrictions, but in the end, whatever there is of unselfish justice in the demands of labor for a humane day, a clean environment, and a living wage, will come to them under national law. For when one considers how far labor has come in fifty years in this country, how large has been its actual as well as its comparative betterment as the result of organization, the future becomes something more than a guess. For today the organization is of a higher type, the leaders have a broader outlook, and the devotion of the men and women inside the organization is of a more intelligent kind than ever it was before.

The newly elected president of the National Association of Manufacturers, in taking the chair at the convention held in New York last month, had the temerity to say that the life of the American labor movement now hung by a thread. Keen observers and analytical writers, like Mr. White, know better. Prejudice blinds the aspirant for and incumbent of presidential dignities in the manufacturers' association. But hope for the betterment of society tempers the judgment of the economist and analyst.

Trade Schools, Technical Education.

At the fourteenth annual meeting of the National Association of Manufacturers, held at the Waldorf-Astoria hotel in New York last month, an attack was made on the alleged attitude of organized labor against industrial education. The committee on industrial education initiated its report with the assertion that the leaders of organized labor did not want trade schools, because they were opposed to any increase in the output of skilled workmen. After noting that several of the leading educators of the country had declared that nothing could be accomplished in the interest of

industrial education without the co-operation of organized labor, the report said:

Were organized labor formed and conducted along rational and just lines, it would be a sin to exclude it from any movement for the advancement of the human race; but as it now stands, to put it in charge of a movement in the interest of industrial education and trade training would be like putting the lamb in care of the wolf, or the chicken in the care of the hawk. Too much stress can not be laid on this phase of the subject as long as the present attitude of organized labor remains unchanged.

Mention was also made of the alleged insincerity of the labor leaders, who argue that employers are not interested in industrial education because of the limited number of apprentices they employ. "What use is there for employers to avail themselves of apprentices," the committee asked, “if these are to be creatures of the unions rather than of the employers?"

The committee, in its eagerness to take a rap at the trade unions, did not pause to consider that the apprentice should be nobody's creature, but the effort of the employer and the journeyman should be to make of the apprentice a finished workman. This is what the International Typographical Union is attempting to do through its Technical Education Commission, with headquarters in Chicago. Not only are we interested in making of the apprentice a finished workman, but we are also reaching out for the journeyman and striving to make of him a better workman. Our efforts in this direction are a complete refutation of the assertions made by the committee on industrial education of the manufacturers' association. But a little thing like that will not bother these associated manufacturers nor change their attitude toward organized labor. They construct their organized-labor locks and then make the keys to fit the locks. They build up a man of straw and placard it with all of the crimes in the calendar, giving it the name "Organized Labor," and then come forward with their quack remedies.

Even this radical association could not swallow the report of this committee, and this report was referred to another committee, with instructions to eliminate some of the more objectionable and baseless assertions.

The Morality of Labor Officials.

An English correspondent for the American labor press, among other things, has this to say of the British labor unionist's care in the selection of trade union officials:

It is interesting to learn of the exceeding care exercised by the British labor unionist in the selection of his trade union officials and political representatives. Such a scene would have been impossible in England as was witnessed some years ago in the city of New York, when the notorious Sam Parks, the corrupt labor leader, convicted of taking bribes in consideration of declaring strikes in order to injure rival contractors, immediately upon his release from prison was welcomed by many trade unionists as a hero and a martyr, chosen as marshal of Labor day processions, and greeted en route by deafening cheers from labor admirers and labor sympathizers.

While at a gathering at which happened to be present a number of directors and also the general manager of one of England's largest railway lines, I had occasion to mention that I had just come from an interview with the secretary of the Amalgamated Railway Employes' Union. All present commented upon the secretary's high character, fair mindedness and spotless integrity. They said these things despite the fact, as they themselves explained, that at times they differed most radically with him on questions of wages, hours of labor, etc., etc.

Without exception, the opinion of all the employers and officials whom I met while in England was to the effect that British labor leaders are tried men who, because they are honest and dependable, have the confidence of employers and workmen. Even opposing employers freely admitted that British labor leaders have developed into able diplomats and business men of high order. In this connection, ex-Prime Minister A. J. Balfour is quoted as saying: "Trade disputes in England have been carried on with a wisdom and moderation on both sides which can not be paralleled by any other industrial community. Surely it must be admitted that these admirable results are in no small degree due to the statesmanship, the moderation and the wisdom which have, on the whole, guided the leaders of the trade unions in dealing with the difficult problems which must, from time to time, arise in industrial society."

Graft and grafters find no lodgment in British labor unions. This, together with care and the good judgment exercised in the selection of honest and capable leaders, has won the esteem and the respect of the British public for the labor movement, and has added much to its sphere of usefulness.

English trade unionists and American trade unionists, it is believed, will measure up to about the same height, so far as morality of conduct is concerned. They are of the same family, speaking the same language and usually striving for the same

ideals through the same channels. The dishonest labor leader is with them and with us, as is the dishonest leader from any other walk of life. It has been asserted that there are more bankers and lawyers in the jails of this country, by far, than there are labor officials, or, for the matter of that, trade unionists. That care is exercised by the American trade unions in the selection of their officials is best attested by the remarkable growth and stability of our industrial associations.

Our English cousins should not arrogate to themselves all of the discernment in the selection of labor union officers, nor claim credit for the only movement honestly conducted and sacrificed for as a matter of principle rather than private gain.

THE art supplement of the Troy (N. Y.) Times, in its issue of June 5, published a history of the Union Printers Home and a sketch of the local typographical union. The article was illustrated by two halftones of the Home, a picture of President James M. Lynch and also of President Edward Kavanaugh and Treasurer Henry Coffeen, of the local union, the latter having served twenty-five years in that office. The art section is printed on calendared paper and is recognized as one of the finest art productions in that section of the country. The editor, Rutherford Hayner, served his time at the case, but has since graduated to the desk. The International and No. 52 are to be congratulated on the prominence thus given to the Union Printers Home.

THE New York Times claims the distinction of having sent the first wireless message between New York and Chicago, on the evening of May 3. This event may be the beginning of a new era in news gathering and points to a revolution in modern methods. Newspapers all over the country have been installing wireless plants, and a few have been communicating with each other in a small way frequently of late, at short distances, by wireless; but this feat of the New York Times in sending messages to the Chicago Tribune, a distance of 1,000 miles or more, gives an inkling of

what may be accomplished when the system is perfected, instruments improved and more knowledge is obtained of the mysteries of electricity.

THE first number of the National Monthly, the new democratic magazine published by Norman E. Mack, proprietor of the Buffalo Times, was issued May 6. Many notable figures in the democratic party contributed to the initial number.

SHERMAN S. BELLESFIELD, a member of Pueblo (Colo.) Union No. 175, was tendered a banquet by the Pueblo Trades and Labor Assembly as a tribute for his efforts in the late Colorado legislature. Many of those prominent in state politics and in organized labor circles were present. Clint C. Houston, a well-known member of the typographical union, was toastmaster. Many compliments were paid Mr. Bellesfield as a man who had been true to the interests of organized labor and to the people of the state at large. The Pueblo Star-Journal declared editorially that the banquet “was a merited tribute to a legislator who did his duty to his constituents and his commonwealth, and has no apologies to make for pledges unfulfilled or duties neglected."

A DISPATCH to the Chicago Record-Herald, dated Hutchinson, Kan., May 25, proves that we have members in our organization who are insistent in their demand for union-label printing, even under the most trying circumstances. The special telegram reads:

When it came to a choice between his trade union and his prospective bride, Coleman C. Clinton, a linotype operator of Portland, Ore., chose the former here today, and had it not been for the anxiety of Probate Judge Jordan to please, the marriage ceremony might not have been performed. Clinton absolutely refused to be married when the marriage certificate lacked a union label. Clinton yesterday secured a license to wed Miss Ethel Johnson. He had come from Portland to make her his bride. Probate Judge Jordan has lately received some fancy marriage certificates from the east, and he was about to use one of these when Clinton noticed the lack of a union label and balked. Another certificate was secured and the ceremony was performed.

THE Boston Herald recently made the first and exclusive announcement that a movement was on foot to commemorate the three hundredth anniversary of the landing of the Pilgrims and the founding of New England. The intention is to hold a world's tercentennial exposition in Boston in 1920. New England has never had a world's fair, and it is believed that the national and universal interest in the historic event which the exposition will commemorate will command the enthusiastic approval of the American people.

THE improved graduated Star composing stick, advertised in this issue of THE JOURNAL, is adjustable, can not slip, is instantly set and is not affected by any amount of "squeeze." By a recent improvement in the locking device of the movable knee, another strong point of advantage has been added. The new wedge lock consists of a steel wedge placed between the knee band and knee, and is guided by a slot, is operated with the thumb, and instantly forces the locking device into mesh. This takes the place of the screw formerly used, and is much quicker in its action, and far more convenient. It has more capacity by six or eight ems than any other stick of equal size, and is manufactured in both nickelplated steel and brass.