at Liegnitz, returned towards Russia, where many of them remained. The Turks became masters of the Byzantine Empire, and still rule a large part of it. When the Yellow Race set out to invade Europe they were not repulsed. They were a terror to us. They massacred, burned and robbed in Europe. Wherever they settled in Europe they successfully held their own, and the White race never could expel even a single group of the Yellow invaders from that part of the world which they regarded as particularly their own. The history of the collisions between the two races is entirely to the advantage of the Yellow Race. We may murmur "Vestigia terrent." If the number of victories in the battlefield is to determine the superiority of one or other of the races, we have every reason to withhold our decision, if we do not at once admit pessimistically that the evidence is against us.

It is easy to see what has driven the Christian Powers to China. We must distinguish between the immediate and the real cause. The late Boxer movement, the attacks on the native Christians and the foreign missionaries, the siege of the Legations, were but pretexts on the part of the Europeans who desired to take possession of China. The White men no longer feel comfortable in their own countries. They have, thanks to the progress of their civilization, risen to a standard of life which their means no longer enable them to maintain.

Why does the open country become depopulated? Why does the population stream into the large towns, and leave stable and plough to surrender itself to the machine and the factory? Because the industry of small landed proprietors, limited by the density of the population of Europe, no longer furnishes the means to satisfy the material and intellectual necessities of life. The laborer who possesses only a small field between the 35th and 65th degree of latitude cannot, with the greatest effort and frugality, earn the means to buy wheat or rye bread and meat daily, to smoke tobacco and drink wine, beer or brandy, to live in a house containing several well-furnished rooms, to heat his house several months in the year and light it each evening with petroleum, to dress himself and family in clothes of good quality, read a newspaper, have a railway station near by, a free school for his children, and receive visits of the postman several times a day. These great and varied luxuries of civilization, the cost of which few people work out, cannot be paid by the small peasant. His field does not allow him to employ his working capacity to advantage, and he therefore deserts agriculture for industry. In the industrial field his labor is used to the best advantage. He earns the money that will gratify his natural and artificial wants as a civilized white man. Everything, therefore, tends towards industry. The population neglects the ungrateful production of raw mate

rial, and will only create the better-paying industrial goods. There is, consequently, an over-production, and the national economy can be carried on only when the nation succeeds in disposing at a fair price of the mass of its commodities.

The market is in our time the great anxiety of all Governments, the aim of every statecraft. The fear of crises and of complete industrial bankruptcy spurs the national egoism to ferocity and overshadows the reasoning faculties of the responsible leaders of the nations. One country shuts itself up by a protective tariff against the other. Each one thinks only of selling as much as possible to his neighbor and of taking as little as possible from him. One White nation no longer resorts to arms to force upon another White nation its industrial products. But the White nations are destined to force their custom upon the Yellow Race. England captured the Indian market with the sword, and held it by the superiority of its industry. This superiority does not exist to-day. The moment is near when the other White Races will dispute this market with England. What will England do? Will she shut the competitors out of India by high tariffs, or suffer the loss of the market? The White Nations propose to manufacture goods and force a sale at arbitrary prices upon the Yellow man, and from this market thus brutally seized they will try to shut out competition.

This is the enchainment of cause and effect. The economic organization of the present day does not permit the White man to live as well as he would like. He desires to escape from his uneasiness. If he were alone in the world, he would make a great intellectual effort to discover the exact reason of his discomfort, and find a rational and lasting remedy. Since he is not alone in the world, and the Colored man is near him, or, to speak more exactly, the four hundred million Yellow men, the first thought that occurs to him is, "let us fall foul of the Yellow men. We are We have therefore the right to subjugate him. He shall serve us. He shall give us money. He shall work for us, so that we can maintain the standard of life." This requires less brain effort than to discover a rational remedy, but it is not a happy thought. The method which Europe adopted to rid herself, at least for some time, of economic discomfort was a false one, because the premises were false.

the stronger.

The Powers, in their attack upon East Asia, presuppose that the White Race is superior to the Yellow Race, and has, on account of this superiority, the right to dictate laws according to its good pleasure. This superiority (in its broadest sense) has, however, not been established.

The people of East Asia need to purchase European and American industrial products, but in a very limited measure. It will perhaps be pos

sible by peaceful means gradually to open this market to our wares. If we prefer to use force, these people will in future refuse more spitefully than ever to accept our wares.

The anthropological problem which lies at the root of the whole course of the world's history has not been solved. The White Race was stronger than the Red and the Black, and no one can say that it is stronger than the Yellow Race. It tries, prompted by the instinct of every species and every race, to obtain the exclusive rule over the globe. It must, however, accustom itself to the idea that the Yellow Race is its equal, that it will never be able to drive it aside, that it must share with it the mastery of the world, and that it will never add East Asia to its possessions. It is possible that Russia will succeed in establishing a kind of moral protectorate over China, and thereby acquire political and economic advantages. But this will be no victory of the White over the Yellow Race, for the Russians are a mixed people, whose Mongolian woof must not be left out of account. One can see in the tremendous preponderance which Russia has attained in the last century, not only in Asia but also in Europe, a victory of the Yellow Race over the White, and the beginning of the subjection of Europe by Asia.

The economic embarrassments of the White people cannot be cured in a zoological way; that is, by crushing the Yellow Race. They demand internal efforts on the part of the White Race; a more rational organization of society, and of the methods for the production and distribution of their industrial efforts.

T

PROBLEMS OF THE NEGRO

CHARLES W. ELIOT

CAMBRIDGE, MASS.

HERE is no larger or graver problem before civilized men at this

moment than the prompt formation of a sound public opinion

about the right treatment of backward races; and Hampton possesses the key-words of that great problem-education and productive labor. The support of Hampton Institute depends directly on public opinion concerning it among intelligent and public-spirited people North and South. Let these people remain convinced that Hampton not only has been, but is and will be, an effective instrument for uplifting the two backward races it serves, and let this conviction be as firmly and broadly planted in the Southern mind as in the Northern, and the vigorous life of the Institute is assured. I therefore ask your attention to some of the resemblances and some of the differences between opinion at the North and opinion at the South concerning the Negro.

In the first place, Northern opinion and Southern opinion are identical with regard to keeping the two races pure-that is, without admixture of one with the other. The Northern whites hold this opinion quite as firmly as the Southern whites; and, inasmuch as the Negroes hold the same view, this supposed danger of mutual racial impairment ought not to have much influence on practical measures. Admixture of the two races, so far as it proceeds, will be, as it has been, chiefly the result of sexual vice on the part of white men; it will not be a widespread evil; and it will not be advocated as a policy or method by anybody worthy of consideration. It should be borne in on the mind of the Southern whites that their Northern brethren are entirely at one with them in this matter, in spite of certain obvious differences of behavior toward the Negro at the North and at the South.

Let us next consider some of these differences of practical behavior. At the North, it is common for Negro children to go to the public schools with white children; while at the South, Negro children are not admitted to white schools. This practice at the North may be justly described as socially insignificant; because the number of Negro children is in most places very small in proportion to the number of white children. In Northern towns where Negro children are proportionately numerous, there is just the same tendency and desire to separate them from the whites that there is in the South. This separation may be effected by public regulations; but if not, it will be effected by white parents procuring the transfer of their chilCopyright, 1904, Frederick A. Richardson, all rights reserved.

dren to schools where Negroes are few. The differences of practice in this matter at the North and at the South are the result of the different proportion of Negroes to the white population in the two sections. Thus, in the high schools and colleges of the North, the proportion of Negroes is always extremely small, so small that it may be neglected as a social influence. Put the prosperous Northern whites into the Southern States, in immediate contact with millions of Negroes, and they would promptly establish separate schools for the colored population, whatever the necessary cost. Transfer the Southern whites to the North, where the Negroes form but an insignificant fraction of the population, and in a generation or two they would not care whether there were a few Negro children in the public schools or not, and would therefore avoid the expense of providing separate schools for the few colored children.

With regard to coming into personal contact with Negroes, the adverse feeling of the Northern whites is stronger than that of the Southern whites, who are accustomed to such contacts; but, on account of the fewness of the Negroes at the North, no separate provision is made for them in public conveyances and other places of public resort. It would be inconvenient and wasteful to provide separate conveyances; and, moreover, race is not the real determining consideration in regard to agreeableness of contact in a public conveyance or other public resort. Any clean and tidy person, of whatever race, is more welcome than any dirty person, be he white, black, or yellow. Here, again, the proportion of the Negro to the white population is a dominant consideration. On the whole, there is no essential difference between the feelings of the Northern whites and the Southern whites on this subject; but the uneducated Northern whites are less tolerant of the Negro than the Southern whites. More trades and occupations are actually open to Negroes in the Southern States than in the Northern.

I come next to a real difference between Northern opinion and Southern opinion a difference the roots of which are rather hard to trace. At the North, nobody connects political equality—that is, the possession of the ballot and eligibility to public office-with social equality-that is, free social intercourse on equal terms in the people's homes. At the South, the white population seems to think unanimously that there is a close connection between the two questions following-shall a Negro vote or be a letter-carrier? And shall he sit with a white man at dinner or marry a white man's sister? At the North, these two questions seem to have nothing whatever to do with each other. For generations the entire male population of suitable age has possessed the ballot; but the possession of the ballot has never had anything to do with the social status of the individual voter. In the Northern cities, which generally contain a great variety of white nationalities, the social divi