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manufacturers of Massachusetts, which that Legislature is exclusively bound to give, if, indeed, there exists an obligation any where to give them protection? How are we to account for the extraordinary fact, that not one of the tariffStates-having, as we have shewn, the most complete and indisputable power to protect its manufactures-has ever given them directly or indirectly, the slightest possible bounty or encouragement ? The reason is perfectly obvious. Though the tariff States will not protect their own manufacturers at their own expense, they are a great deal more than willing to do it at the expense of other people. They call upon the General Government to be the instrument of this outrageous injustice; and because the people of the Southern States will not submit to be made the dupes of a fraud which offers a direct insult to their understanding, and the victims of a tyranny which would convert them into the degraded slaves of a Northern aristocracy, they are still further insulted by the impudent and nonsensical allegation, that they are attempting to prevent the tariff States from making and consuming their own manufactures, and to compel them to purchase the manufactures of foreign countries ! We say to the tariff States, “make what manufactures you please; give any encouragement you think proper to your domestic establishments; but do not attempt to compel us to buy your manufactures at your own prices, and deprive us of a market where we can obtain them much cheaper, and where we can sell four times as much of our raw material, as we have any hope of selling to you. We do not, in any respect, interfere with your rights or your internal affairs; and we cannot permit you, in this unjust, unconstitutional manner, to interfere with ours.
Such being, in our opinion, the sentiment of the Southern States—at any rate of South-Carolina--we propose to offer a few suggestions as to the course that will, probably, be pursued by the several State Legislatures. From all the indications of public opinion, given at the various Conventions of the people that have been called for the purpose of devising means to resist the unconstitutional oppression of the late tariff, we are induced to believe that only two modes of resistance, by the sovereign authority of the States, will be the subject of discussion in the Legislatures of the Southern States. The first is an excise to be imposed upon the manufactures and other productions of the tariff States; and the second, the call of State Conventions of the people, in order that the States, in their highest sovereign capacity, may pronounce upon the constitutionality or unconstitutionality of the protecting system, in the most solemn, deliberate and authoritative form. Without undertaking to decide VOL. II.NO. 4.
whether one or both of these modes will be adopted, we will briefly explain the grounds upon which they are placed by their respective advocates.
Those who are in favour of an excise upon articles produced in the tariff States, contend that such a measure would coerce those States, by the strong motive of interest—the very motive which has instigated them to pursue the tariff policy-to abandon a system of unjust and oppressive legislation, inevitably tending to impoverish the Southern States. They also maintain that the States have clearly an unlimited and unconditional right to impose excise duties upon every article that is brought within their territorial jurisdiction, upon the very same principle that some of the Northern States, impose duties upon the sales of foreign merchandize at public auction.
Of those who are in favour of a call of State Conventions, by the respective Legislatures, some rely upon the great elementary and unalienable right necessarily reserved to the people and to the States in their sovereign capacity, while others derive the right to call such Conventions, and to pronounce a law of Congress unconstitutional, void and inoperative, from the express provisions and obvious nature of the compact of Union, according to the interpretation given to that instrument, by Mr. Jefferson, in the celebrated resolutions of the Kentucky Legislature, written by him; and also by Mr. Madison, in the equally celebrated preamble and resolutions of the Virginia Legislature. The following is the language of one of the Kentucky resolutions, drawn up by Mr. Jefferson:
“ The government, created by this compact, was not made the exclusive or final judge of the extent of the powers delegated to itself, since that would have made its discretion, and not the Constitution, the measure of its powers; but as in all other cases of compact among parties having no common judges, each party has an equal right to judge for itself, as well of infractions as of the mode and measure of redress.” Mr. Madison, in the preamble to the Virginia resolutions, uses the following implicit and decisive language :-"If the deliberate exercise of dangerous powers, palpably withheld by the Constitution, could not justify the parties to it in interposing, even so far as to arrest the progress of the evil, and thereby to preserve the Constitution itself, as well as to provide for the safety of the parties to it, there would be an end of all relief from usurped power, and a direct subversion of the rights specified or recognized under all the State institutions, as well as a plain denial of the fundamental principles upon which our independence itself was declared.”
We shall make no further commentary upon these strong and unequivocal opinions of Mr. Jefferson and Mr. Madison, than to
say that no two names are more justly consecrated in the estimation of the republican party; and none calculated to give a more authoritative sanction to those defensive measures, to which the Southern States may be driven, as the only means left them to preserve their constitutional liberties. That the crisis alluded to by Mr. Madison has arrived—that we have seen in awful and threatening exhibition, the “deliberate exercise of dangerous powers, palpably withheld by the Constitution,” no citizen of the Southern States-no citizen of South-Carolina-can hesitate to pronounce.
Statement of the Duties paid on various descriptions of Foreign Mer
chandize imported; the amount imported in 1827, and the amount that will be manufactured and produced for sale in the United States, after the Tarif of 1828 shall have fully produced its prohibitory effect; with an estimate of the amount of the tribute that will be annually paid by the people of the United States to the manufacurers and producers.
Average rate Amount
Estimate am'nt Ain'nt of tribnte of
imported in that will be made paid to manufacduty paid.
in the U.S. turers&producers Woollen Goods, 60 per ct. $8,000,000 $16,000,000 $9,600,000 Cotton Goods,
60 per ct. 7,500,000 16,500,000 9,900,000 Cotton Thread, 50 per ct. 900,000 1.500,000 750,000 Iron Manufactures,
paying ad valo- 37} per ct. 3,500,000 3,000,000 1,125,000
duties, Iron Manufactures,
paying specific 50 per ct. 500,000 1,000,000 500,000
duties, Paper Hangings, 45 per ct. 63,000 500,000 225,000 Leghorn Hats, Bon
75 per ct.
321,000 500,000 375,000 Salt,
150 per ct.
535,000 800,000 1,200,000 Sugar,
52 per ct.
4,064,000 3,500,000 1,820.000 Molassess,
45 per ct. 2,818,982 1,000,000 450,000 Spirits,
150 per ct.
1,550,000 1,500,000 2,250,000 Iron, viz. Hammered bar,
36 per ct.
1,323,000 2,000,000 720,000 Rolled,
85 per ct. 320,000 1,000,000 850,000 Sheets, Hoops, &c. 100 per ct.
125,000 200,000 200,000 Pig Iron,
56 per ct.
75 per ct. 160,000 160,000 120,000 Red and White Lead, 83 per ct. 120,000 120,000
99,600 Cotton Bagging, 46 per ct. 367,000 200,000 92,000
Aggregate amount of the tribute paid to the producers of
N. B.--The above Statement does not include manufactures of brass, copper, tin, leather and a great variety of small articles subject to high protceting duties. It does not include manufactures of fax, or those of hemp, except cotton bagging, because the duties on these last, though high, may yet be regarded principally as revenue duties.
The two last articles in this Number have been furnished us by two of our most able Statesmen. If they differ somewhat in their views-if they differ, sometimes, from the opinions we ourselves have advanced, we yet publish them with great pleasure, from a wish that at a moment like the present, subjects of paramount importance, may be fairly and under different aspects, placed before our readers.
472_last line but one, for quod lex, read quæ lex. 480—12th line from the bottom, for may, read