necessary that they be only about twentyseven inches to three feet in height, and the picture itself made to represent an area (when lying twenty-five yards away) from three hundred to fifteen hundred yards from front to rear. Fixed to the top of this target is a white canvas screen twenty-seven inches in height. The ammunition used may be either .22 calibre or subcalibre. (This kind of ammunition is favored by all in elementary training, as

the order "Range, one thousand yards," when each man raises his elevation to the desired distance. Next is the point to fire at on the picture; the instructor gives the desired information and the point to fire at, and the number of shots to fire, then the kind of fire. These orders obeyed, what do we find? The shots, owing to the raising of the sights at such a short distance, are not on the picture but on a screen placed above it, and measure

Of

ment will tell if the recruit is correct. course an outline of the picture on the white screen would do away with measurement. Should it be found that the elevation required on the rifle is too high to permit of convenience in sighting, the picture can be made to fold back halfway and so eliminate the discomfort. However, herein lies the value of the landscape target on the miniature range. We have everything except atmospheric conditions and full-charge ammunition.

The recruit is faced with active-service conditions for the first time, and goes through his work with eyes wide open, seeing everything he has done. When he is finished with his practice he walks up to his target and appreciates the result. When he is given a good grounding in this manner he is ready for the outdoor work, knowing exactly what he is going to do. As I have said, his orders are the same; all that is different is atmospheric conditions and the use of full-charge ammunition. Again he has been made aware of atmospheric conditions and the part they play, so he is wide-awake, or, in other words, he has arrived with an awakened instinct, seeing everything before him, knowing exactly what to do. Orders come fast, in range, indication, number of rounds, kind of fire, and he performs them without the slightest hesitation, knowing full well the definition of each command and the re

sults to be achieved. If men are taken out to the field ranges and given field practices with only a little aiming drill, besides firing a few shots, the results can only be said to be fair, as fifty per cent of the misses are never located. But with the landscape target, where all shots are recorded on the white canvas directly above the aiming point, the men can see and correct their own errors.

As already stated in the first instance, nothing is achieved out of doors except that a few individuals will hit the target who have had some work with the rifle before, and bystanders think that it is very good. I appreciate this fact myself as I once belonged to the corps of "pothunters" for medals, etc., but individual work with the rifle on active-service conditions is nothing short of disaster. As infantry has more "characteristics" than any other arm in finding cover and concealment more readily, in employing either fire or shock action, in engaging the enemy at a distance or hand to hand, in developing rapid fire and concentrating in any direction, and finally in breaking down the enemy's resistance by fire and completing his overthrow by assault, it is readily seen that the sooner the men get it into their heads that it is co-operation and not individualism that is required, the better it will be for the unit to which they belong.

W

HEN nation is battling against nation, and when the blood of worlds, old and new, is being expended with a prodigality that sickens the very soul, peace-time logic and reasoning seem distorted and ineffectual in governing even the simplest functions of life.

All laws, all codes of morals, all principles which normally regulate the relations of human beings have been swept aside by an enemy which worships the conscienceless necessity of force, so that nothing immediate is left except the primitive encounter of brute instincts. This mental condition holds true for the people of a nation who have embraced without reservation the Nietzschean philosophy, and accept without question the theory of supremacy of the state.

At the Marne in 1914, and again when the Teuton hordes were forging onward in their great March thrust of this year, German efficiency to many seemed to have justified the doctrine of might over right. Then, if ever, the rape of Belgium, ruthless submarine warfare, and countless acts of terrorism perpetrated by the Kaiser's armies cast shadows of doubt upon the principles of the brotherhood of man, supposed to govern a civilized world. The fact that the great German rush is now marking time, or that the Allies have, temporarily at least, attained the ascendancy in arms on the western front, is no reason for pushing back those shadows. To the strong of heart, to the firm believers in true democracy, and to those who have faith in a God of mercy, they never existed.

The fact that nearly the whole world aligned itself against the principles of German autocracy and militarism before, and not after, the first crushing blows were delivered by the Allies, justifies what, for

lack of a better expression, may be called a supreme faith in idealism.

And yet, faith without action, words without deeds, can accomplish nothing. If we are to be an effective influence either now or hereafter in the promotion or maintenance of the peace of the world, the measure of our influence will certainly not be in proportion to our weakness, but in proportion to our available strength.

In every State in the Union a great movement is now on foot to put an effective weapon at the government's disposal.. It is a successor to three previous attempts to provide our nation with a fighting force that will stamp out, once and for all, the menace of barbarism. A government loan, larger than any the financiers of the world have ever conceived, is about to be floated. All signs indicate that this free-will offering of democracy will be a material factor for Allied success.

Either there will be a new day or a darker night; all depends upon how this war will end and what bulwarks the nations will erect against future cataclysms such as we are now witnessing.

Herbert Spencer, in his "Principles of Sociology," stated more than thirty years ago: "A federation of the highest nations

exercising supreme authority-may, by forbidding wars between any of its constituent nations, put an end to the rebarbarization which is continually threatening civilization."

It is still too soon to anticipate such a Utopia. We can only lay the foundation for a mutual understanding between nations. This foundation will be more firmly cemented if we now supplement idealism with a spirit of sacrifice.

German autocracy knows no argument but the sword, and must be convinced with the only weapon that it can understand. The Triple Alliance and the Triple Entente failed in the object of their

creation because they were built upon false foundations-they were built as strongholds for war and not as strongholds for peace.

While "righteousness exalteth a nation," the present war gives incontrovertible proof that righteousness will not protect a nation unless all other nations are likewise exalted by righteousness.

No country ever entered into a war actuated by higher motives and more unselfish purpose than the United States. We have not entered it for conquest or for commerce. We have not entered it to protect our soil, but to protect our soul the soul of our democracy-and not only the soul of our democracy, but the democracies of the world.

Treitschke, the foremost exponent of German kultur, said: "The Christian duty of self-sacrifice for something higher does not apply to the state. For the sake of the Fatherland we must overcome our natural feeling of humanity." This expresses another challenge for which we are determined to stake our lives and our sacred honor, and for the sake of our Fatherland it will be our aim and purpose to gain a firm anchor for "our natural feeling of humanity," which lies at the basis not only of our institutions, but of democracy wherever it exists throughout the world.

There is a higher form of patriotism than nationalism. That higher form is not limited by the boundaries of one's country, but by a debt to mankind to safe-guard the trust of civilization.

Out of the bloody trenches of the war arise the ideals which victory of the Allies will bring to the reconstructed world for the general welfare of mankind. The unity of purpose and the community of sacrifices which we, together with our Allies, are making, have obliterated narrow sectionalism and national antagonism

and laid the foundation for a new world with higher standards of moral relationship. It is the duty of our statesmanship to build upon this foundation an association or league of free nations, and make the future secure by destroying the power of separate nations to injure one another, and by cementing their united power to safeguard their joint and separate welfare.

Viscount Bryce said: "This war has carried us to the depths; let us build from the depths.'

The real cause of this war and of past wars is that natural development has been largely along the lines that people owe boundless devotion to their own country, and nothing whatever to any other country. In other words, the intensified national spirit, the extreme form of which is illustrated by the German militaristic kultur, caused a suspension of the moral law, and until this form of nationalism is replaced by a higher form that recognizes that above loyalty to one's country are the obligations that every people owe to all mankind, international strife will continue.

The defeat and loss which our country would suffer from failing to see the war through until the victory for the principles that are at stake has been won, would be a defeat for the moral foundations of our national life.

It is with a spirit of justice for all that we have linked our fortunes with those of the Allies in a death grapple with an enemy who grants justice to none. It is for justice that we have sent our sons forth to bleed and die in a strange land. It is for justice that we have asked our citizenry to help the government during the coming Liberty Loan. Remember, it is a thousand times better to be a bondholder with Uncle Sam than a bondsman of the Kaiser.

HE French ambassador received a note on November 21, 1917, informing him that the Bolshevik government, under the leadership of Lenin and Trotzky, had ordered an immediate armistice on all the Russian front and intended to begin pourparlers of peace.

General Poukhonine, who had succeeded General Alexieff as commander-inchief, receiving this telegram of the Bolshevik government ordering an immediate armistice, refused to carry out the instructions and was accordingly replaced by General Krylenko, a small, ferret-faced man who had risen from the ranl.

At the same time my father published a note in the papers remonstrating at the way the order for the armistice had been carried out without consulting the Allies and had been sent to headquarters nineteen hours before it was received at the embassy. Trotzky thereupon published an answering note, saying that the order for the armistice, and the note to the Allied embassies informing them of it, had been sent off at the same moment, and "if it was indeed true that the latter had not arrived at the same time this was only due to technical details that had nothing to do with the policy held by the Council of the Commissaries of the People." The note ended in an assurance that the common efforts and the will of the people would carry out a declaration of universal peace against all imperialistic governments.

British subjects were now more or less prisoners in Russia, Trotzky declaring that not one of them should be allowed to leave till Petroff and Tchicherin, the two Russian pacifists interned in England, were set free. He also threatened to arrest any British subjects carrying on what he held a counter-revolutionary propa

ganda and declared that, though until now there had been no hostile demonstrations against the embassy, he would not be answerable for the consequences if his requests to release Petroff and Tchicherin were not immediately granted.

Nearly every day threatening articles against my father appeared in the Bolshevik papers, and he was repeatedly warned that he was in danger of being arrested at any moment. And one or two members of the British colony, who were at the head of big factories, were subjected to rough treatment and violent abuse from the workmen.

On December 1 the delegates of the Bolshevik government left for the front to begin the peace negotiations, and on December 4 General Poukhonine was brutally murdered in his railway-carriage as he was leaving headquarters. People had hoped that the troops or the staff would prove loyal, and would be able to hold out against the Red Guards and troops sent down by the Bolsheviks to take possession. But General Poukhonine unfortunately hesitated to take up an armed defensive position, and, having murdered him, the Bolshevik troops under the command of General Krylenko took the position of the staff, meeting with hardly any resistance. General Korniloff, however, managed to escape with four hundred men and, evading pursuit, made his way toward the south to try and join the forces of General Kaledin.

It was said that seven German staffofficers had arrived in Petrograd and were being received and entertained by the Bolshevik government as guests of honor. Pamphlets warning the people that they were being betrayed were thrown about the streets, but nobody had the power to do anything, and the peace negotiations continued at the front, though it was rumored that they were not going