Richmond, and received a repulse, which was of the utmost importance as breaking the prestige of the gunboats, blocking the way to Richmond, and restoring the confidence of the people.

McClellan was, however, enveloping Richmond with a cordon of intrenchments (temporarily broken by the Confederate victory of Seven Pines), and was only waiting for McDowell's corps to swoop down from Fredericksburg and join him at Hanover Courthouse in order to make his contemplated assault on the "doomed city." But Jackson's splendid Valley campaign thwarted this plan. On May 24th McDowell received his order from President Lincoln to co-operate in the movement to "capture or destroy Jackson and Ewell's forces," and at once replied to the Secretary of War: "The President's order has been received-is in process of execution. This is a crushing blow to us.

We have seen how Jackson eluded the snare set for him, beat his enemies in detail at Cross Keys and Port Republic, deceived them as to his plans, and hastened to obey the orders he received from General Lee to join him on the Chickahominy. This great commander, who had succeeded to the command of the army on the wounding of General Johnston at Seven Pines, had sent Stuart on his famous "ride around McClellan," had discovered the weak point of his antagonist, and was thus prepared to strike so soon as Jackson should arrive at the designated point on the enemy's flank.

In his official report General McClellan seeks to make the impression that his movements during the seven days' battles were simply a preconceived "change of base," and a number of writers have adopted this theory and write as if Lee simply endeavored to prevent McClellan from fulfilling his purpose of moving to the James and was badly repulsed in all of his attacks.

Things did not look that way to an eye-witness and active participant, in those stirring scenes, and I do not see how any fair-minded man can read McClellan's dispatches for several weeks before, during, and just after this "change of base" without seeing clearly that it was forced and not voluntary.

E. g. On June 25th he telegraphs to Washington:

*

*

*

"The rebel force is stated at 200,000, including Jackson and Beauregard. I shall have to contend against vastly superior odds if these reports be true; but this army will do all in the power of men to hold their position and repulse any attack." Again: "June 27th, 1862, 3 P. M.-We have been fighting nearly all day against greatly superior numbers. We shall endeavor to hold our own, and if compelled to fall back shall do it in good order, upon James river if possible." * [Italics mine.]

"June 28, 1862, 12:20 A. M.—I now know the full history of the day. On this side of the river (the right bank) we repulsed several very strong attacks. On the left bank our men did all that men could do-all that soldiers could accomplish; but they were overwhelmed by vastly superior numbers, even after I brought my last reserves into action. Had I 20,000 or even 10,000 fresh troops to use to-morrow I could take Richmond; but I have not a man in reserve, and shall be glad to cover my retreat and save the material and personnel of the army. If we have lost the day, we have yet preserved our honor, and no one need blush for the Army of the Potomac. I have lost this battle because my force was too small. I still hope to retrieve our fortunes. I know that a few thousand men more would have changed this battle from a defeat to victory."

These and other quotations which I might make show conclusively that McClellan did not "change base" according to some preconceived plan, but that he was driven from the field by Lee's army.

But I must return to the movements of "the foot cavalry."

General Lee's order of battle contemplated that Jackson should bivouac on the night of the 25th of June near the Central Railroad, eight miles east of Ashland, and to advance at 3 A. M. on the 26th, so as to turn the enemy's works at Mechanicsville and on Beaver Dam Creek and open the road for A. P. Hill, D. H. Hill and Longstreet to cross the Chickahominy and unite with him in sweeping down towards the York River railroad, and thus cut McClellan off from his base of supplies at the White House. But the burning of the bridges and the blockading of the roads by the enemy so impeded our march that we only reached the vicinity of Ashland that night, and were not able to move again until sunrise on the morning of the 26th, and even then we made such slow progress that we only reached Pole Green Church in the afternoon, just as that gallant soldier, A. P. Hill (impatient of further delay, and unwilling to wait longer for Jackson to turn the position), had crossed the Chickahominy at Meadow Bridge and was leading his heroic "Light Division" down on the position of the enemy at Mechanicsville. I shall never forget the scene among the "foot cavalry" when Hill's guns announced that the great battle had opened. Cheer after cheer ran along the whole line, and the column hastened forward with the eagerness of veterans to reach their “place in the picture near the flashing of the guns." But we were too late that evening to get into the fight or help our comrades by turning the strong position which they were assailing.

As we lay down in our bivouac, near Pole Green Church, with orders to move at "early dawn," the muttering of the fight just closing, the

dashing about of staff and general officers and the talks of the men around the Camp fires, all betokened the eve of a great battle.

We broke camp the morning of the 27th and moved forward to the sound of the guns, which told that A. P. Hill, supported by Longstreet (who had crossed the bridge opposite Mechanicsville so soon as Hill drove off the enemy), was renewing his assult upon the strong position on Beaver Dam Creek, which our move was designed to flank. My own regiment, the Thirteenth Virginia, was deployed as skirmishers, and we were thus in advance of the whole of Jackson's column, and the first to enter the deserted camps from which the enemy fell back on our approach, and to see and converse with a number of prisoners whom we captured. But the sound of the battle ceased as we flanked the enemy's position at Eilison's Mill and compelled him to yield to the gallant attack in his front and fall back to his still stronger position about Cold Harbor and Gaines's Mill. The whole of General Lee's columns north of the Chickahominy (A. P. Hill, Longstreet, D. H. Hill, and Jackson) now moved on the position which McClellan had skilfully chosen and heavily entrenched. D. H. Hill was united to Jackson, who was to make a detour to the left in order to attack on that flank, and at the same time prevent the enemy from retreating toward his base at the White House, while A. P. Hill and Longstreet moved nearer to the Chickahominy.

The Army of the Potomac awaits us behind their strong entrenchments and the great battle of Cold Harbor and Gaines's Mill is about to begin.

Notes and Queries.

What Confederate Battery fired the last gun at Appomattox ?

We publish with pleasure the following:

MEMPHIS, TENN., September 27, 1881.

Editor Southern Historical Papers, Richmond, Va. :

Dear Sir,-The concluding article in your August number is a statement from Major W. W. Parker that Johnson's battery, from Richmond, Va., should properly be credited with firing the last shots from the Army of Northern Virginia on that memorable Sunday morning at Appomattox Courthouse, whereas I had always been under a different impression; and though it is a matter of no consequence now, still it is

as well to have things stated as they actually occurred, if they are stated at all. And without meaning for a moment to intimate that Major P. would have it otherwise, I think the following statement will be corroborated by every man who was within hearing of General Gordon's voice when he gathered around him that Sunday afternoon the torn and battle-scarred remnant of that noble body of men (the Second corps) who had followed Jackson, Ewell, Early and himself through such trying scenes, to make to them a farewell address. Seeing amongst the number some men without muskets, and supposing them to be of those who had wilfully thrown them away, he ordered them off, saying his remarks were only for those who had held out to the last; but when told that they were artillerymen he recalled them and apologized, saying he had something special to say to them. After mentioning many deeds of which the men then around him should justly feel proud, though it had all gone for naught, he said he wanted particularly to"commend the men that day under the command of Colonel R. F. Hardaway of the First battalion Virginia artillery" (composed of the old Rockbridge battery, Dance's Powhatan battery, one company of the Richmond Howitzers, and Griffin's Salem battery) "who in the beginning of the war in Virginia had fired the first guns from the army"— meaning the Howitzers at Big Bethel in May, 1861,-" and to day, after firing the last shots from the Army of Northern Virginia, had retired in as good order as though they were leaving the parade ground," meaning this last to apply to Griffin's battery, which was stationed just in the village; and if any artillery was fired after this battery ceased firing the sound was not heard within a mile of Appomattox Courthouse, or within General Gordon's hearing.

Respectfully,

N. B. JOHNSTON.

What Infantry Regiment accompanied General Stuart to Ely's Ford the night Jackson was wounded at Chancellorsville?

The following letter from our friend, Major H. B. McClellan, explains itself and will, we hope, elicit the desired information:

REV. J. WM. JONES, Secretary Southern Historical Society:

My Dear Sir,-On the evening of the 2d May, 1862, after Jackson's first success at Chancellorsville, General J. E. B. Stuart obtained from General Jackson one regiment of infantry, with which he moved toward Ely's Ford to disperse a force of the enemy reported to be at that point, and to take possession of the Ford. Before accomplishing

his purpose he was recalled to the army to take command of Jackson's

corps.

Can any of your readers give me the name of the infantry regiment which was employed in this service, and place me in communication with the officer who was then in command, or with any other who personally participated in the attack which was made after Stuart left the regiment to assume command of the corps? If so, I shall esteem it a great favor. Yours respectfully,

Lexington, Ky., 26th September, 1881.

H. B. MCCLELLAN.

Desired return of the Sword of a Federal Officer.

My brother, Lieutenant Aaron Wilkes, Company B, Sixth New Jersey volunteers, was among the killed at the battle of Williamsburg, Va., May 5, 1862. His sword, the scabbard of which, bearing the engraved inscription, "Presented to Lieutenant Aaron Wilkes by Company B, Sixth Regiment New Jersey Volunteers," was taken from his body at the time. I will be duly grateful for its return to me, or for any information leading to its recovery, and will most glady assume any expense incident thereon.-Peter Wilkes, Trenton, N. J.

[We will deem ourselves personally obliged by any attention, as solicited, and request of our good friend, Rev. J. William Jones, D. D., Secretary of the Southern Historical Society and the editor of its invaluable Papers, the favor of the mention of the above in its department of Notes and Queries.-R. A. B.]

We have clipped the above from the Notes and Queries of the Richmond Standard, edited by the accomplished Secretary of the Virginia Historical Society (R. A. Brock, Esq.), and we add a similar request which we have received:

25 HILL ST., NEWARK, N. J.

REV. J. W. JONES, Secretary Southern Historical Society:

Dear Sir,-In a conversation with my friend, Colonel Marshall McDonald, formerly of the Virginia Military Institute, Lexington, now of the United States Fish Commission, as to the prospects and best means of regaining my sword, he referred me to you. I hardly need say that any information will be thankfully received because it is selfevident.

All the data I can give is this. The sword is a line-officer's sword (in