I lately heard an officer of the garrison in a Dutch town read to his associates a notice in a journal by Messrs. Hope & Co. of Amsterdam, that "not having received funds they would not pay instalments on some Pennsylvania bonds." The reader added, "more than half of my wife's fortune is in these bonds. Her father thought them the best investment! The governments of Europe, loaded with debt, are full of credit; they dare not violate their engagements! The United States have, comparatively, no debt, are full of resources; without credit, as they are suspected of dishonesty."

POLITICS OF THE DAY.

of which Mr. Verplanck, a man of great ability, was
chairman. There could be no doubt but this bill
met the hearty approbation of the president, Gen.
Jackson, who we all know then exercised an almost
unlimited, and irresistible influence over his party
in congress, and with the people. Mr. Verplanck
took the bill; it was considered in committee and re-
ported to the house. It imposed duties upon foreign
merchandise not exceeding 20 per cent. upon the
foreign valuation, and going in some instances as low
as 10 per cent. forming an average, perhaps. of 15
per cent: and this. be it observed, upon the foreign
valuation. It was debated in the house of represen-
tatives for some time, and nothing was more appa-
rent than that, without some extraordinary effort,
case every American manufacturer would have been
compelled to close the doors of his factory, and send
his workmen to get employment and bread where
they could find them.

SYNOPSIS OF THE SPEECH OF THE HON. the bill would become a law of the land; in which

JOHN M. CLAYTON.

From the United States Gazette.

Delivered at the mass meeting, in front of the state house at Philadelphia, on Wednesday evening Oc

tober 5th.

tective system delighted to rally. Knowing the puri y
of his motives, and the earnestness with which he
labored to save his country from threatened and im-
pending evils, he could not sit by in silence when that
man's motives are impugned, by whomsoever done.—
[Cheers.]

did."]

There was another motive, Mr. Clayton said, which had its influence in the passage of the compro. mise act-they did not wish to see the blood of their fellow citizens shed. We preferred to hold out the olive branch of peace, and to give time for reason to resume her empire. We hoped that having escaped thus, the Nullifiers would take care how they made another attempt of the kind, and that we should hear no more of nullification; and it is my firm belief, that the law of 1833 was the means of putting an end to it-that we shall hear no more of this monster hereafter. And let me tell you, it was put down, not by the sword or musket, not by proclamation, but by the skill and sagacity of Henry Clay. [Cheering.] Henry Clay, the American statesman;-[loud and And now I ask you, my fellow citizens, continued The hon. John M. Clayton having been called repeated cheering] he who had during his whole pub- Mr. Clayton, if, after the lapse of ten years, you are upon by Mr. Sergeant, president of the meeting, to lic life stood up as the friend and advocate of Ameri- disposed to censure that act? Why any hero, afgive a statement of the circumstances attending the can labor and of American interests; [enthusiastic ter the battle has been fought and won, can boast passage of the compromise act, and other political cheers] the father of the American system, with the what he would have done, and how much easier incidents with which he was familiar, and which eagle eye of a watchful guardian of the public he could have gained the victory. But suppose would be interesting to the meeting, and being in- weal, saw the danger that threatened the existence you had been there, and knowing all the circumtroduced by the president, to the multitude who had of his favorite system, and determined to stretch stances, would you have exerted the strong arm of assembled to hear him, rose and observed that it was forth his arm to save it. With that keen sagacity force against your deluded fellow citizens, or would said by the distinguished citizen who addressed the which characterises him, and with that tact and ta- you have first tendered to them the olive branch of meeting at Faneuil Hall, in Boston. a few days ago, lent which so eminently distinguish him, he looked peace? [Cries of "we would have done as Mr. Clay that he never appeared in that Hall that he did not around him for the means of averting the threatened feel that there was something in the place that ex- fate of the protective policy. He saw the president It has pleased the honorable secretary of state to cited him strongly, deeply, too deeply to allow ade-arrayed against nullification, and South Carolina in say that the motives of the act were more than the quate expression to his emotions. This, said Mr. arms against the federal government. There was act itself. Humble as he might be, Mr. Clayton said Clayton, is the first time I have had the honor to an irreconcileable hostility between the nullifiers he should defend himself and his friend from the atspeak from the place where I now stand, and there and Gen. Jackson. He saw this and he sought to tacks of every man; be it Daniel Webster, or any is something in this birth place of my country-this turn it to the advantage of his country. He saw body else. He had said that every mechanic and spot from whence was proclaimed the freedom and that if he could get a bill allowing the duties a gra- manufacturer must have been prostrated by the pasindependence of these United States, that inspires dual descent, through a period of nine and a half sage of Mr. Verplanck's bill. To illustrate how me with emotions which language is inadequate to years, down to 20 per cent. on the home valuation, it strongly General Jackson desired the defeat of the express. If in some future day, long, long distant would be infinitely better for the country than Mr. compromise bill. Mr. C. related a circumstance not may it be, some shaft more deadly than the rest Verplanck's bill which was to reduce them at once, perhaps generally recollected: namely that the late should be hurled at the American Eagle, and she down to an average of 15 per cent., and would save honorable Hugh White, who was admitted to have should fall beneath the fatal blow, here, even here the manufacturer and operative from immediate, ut- been an honest man, being summoned before a comshall she breathe her last sigh, and on this spot shall er, and hopeless ruin. mittee of the house of representatives, stated on be uttered the last shout for liberty, [great cheering]. Mr. Clay communicated his views to Mr. Clayton oath, that at the time he was making out, as presiFellow citizens, I have been called upon to speak and other friends of the protective policy; he had dent pro tem. of the senate, a list of the committee of subjects treated of by the distinguished gentle-nothing to conceal; his object was the good of the to whom the compromise bill was to be referred, he man to whom I have before alluded, in Fanueil Hall. country, and his motives were honest and patriotic. received a note from General Jackson expressing a In doing this I shall endeavor to place fairly and im- No man is more frank and undisguised than Henry desire to see him before he appointed that commitpartially before you the acts and motives, in refe- Clay. Honest and single hearted, he has no conceal tee, that he went to the white house and saw the rence to the compromise, of that eminent statesman ments from his friends, scarcely from his enemies.-president, who remonstrated against his putting Mr. whom you delight to honor. I am, fellow citizens, It was with no view to gratify his own ambition that Clayton on the committee, and wished it made up of but a private individual; I neither hold nor desire to he brought forward this measure, (the compromise men who were hostile to it, and in favor of Verhold office; but humble as I am, I feel it an incum-act) but solely with a view to preserve the Ameri- planck's bill; and on this subject he pressed Mr. bent duty to defend an absent friend whenever and can system; to sustain the American manufacturer, White hard, though in vain. I put it to you said Mr. by whomsoever misrepresented. the American mechanic, and the American farmer; C. if General Jackson had Mr. Verplanck's bill so The speech of the secretary of state treated of and to save the American laborer from the ruinous much at heart, whether, with all his influence and events and circumstances that related to the com- competition of the six pence a day labor of Europe. that unscrupulous use of his power for which he was promise act of 1833. Mr. Webster has ventured [Cheers.] so distinguished, he would not as early have broken not only to attack the act itself, but the motives of Now I know that if that act, (the compromise), down the tariff and manufactures of the country, as the men who were the authors of it. I ask you, my had not passed, Mr. Verplanck's bill would;-a bill he broke down the Bank of the United States? In fellow citizens, to notice the time when this attack as I have before said, that would have reduced the that day his influence was almost resistless, none of is made: it is at a moment when elections are about duties at one to fifteen per cent. I will not stop to his partisans daring to thwart his will, and I repeat to take place in Maryland, Pennsylvania, New Jer-point out what must have been the ruinous conse- that had it not been for Henry Clay, of Kentucky, sey, Delaware, &c.; when it was impossible for Mr. quences of the passage of this bill upon the country. he would have laid the American system prostrate at Clay to receive notice in time, even were he at You, my fellow citizens, are intelligent enough to per- his feet. home, much less being absent, as he was known to ceive what they must have been without my telling And now, my fellow citizens, after all that has be, to prevent its influence upon those elections by a you. But whatever might have been the evils, and passed, as I was sitting by my own fire side I read, reply. the long train of bitter consequences attendant upon and with no little surprise and regret, the speech of the passage of that bill, you were saved from them the secretary of state arraigning Henry Clay, who by Henry Clay, and by no other man. [Tremendous is one thousand miles off. I have shown you what cheering.] the act and the motives that led to it were, and I Fellow citizens-who is it that has dared to hold leave you to give your verdict upon the charge. Mr. up that great statesman as having been inimical to C. said, he had served in the senate with both the interests of the manufacturer-to arraign him these distinguished men, and he felt bound to say before the bar of the public as the enemy of the that Mr. Clay had ever sustained with him and American system-that system of which he is justly others of his friends, the character of an open considered the father? I do not come here to at hearted, frank, fearless, honest man. [Great cheertack Mr. Webster, but when he stands up and iming.] peaches the motives of Mr. Clay, I will venture to Mr. Clayton said there was another subject of inquire who it is that prefers the charge, and examine deep importance to the country, upon which he felt what pretensions he has to set himself up as the spe- it his duty to speak. Mr. Webster said in his Faneuil cial champion of the American system? Why, I will Hall speech that there could be no restoration of the tell you fellow citizens. It is the very man who stood currency without a national institution of some kind up, in 1824, as the advocate of what we consider Bri- for this purpose. He concurred with the great statestish interests. He it was who, at that time was the man, and honored him for making the declaration.— champion of free trade; while Henry Clay was as he He knew there were many who thought the tariff has always been, the champion of the protective po- would restore prosperity to the country-that all the licy. They stood as Fox and Pitt had stood in the evils under which we are laboring are to be dispelled British parliament, the great and eloquent advocates by this measure. He said he was not among the of their respective doctrines. number who thus thought. I tell you, my fellow citizens, said Mr. C that the tariff alone, without the aid of an institution that shall furnish a sound circulating medium, or regulate the currency, cannot restore prosperity to the country, nor confidence among men.

Mr. Clayton said he should not in the present state of his health, have ventured to contend against so gigantic a man as Daniel Webster, but for the sake of truth and justice; and for those, even he, humble as he was, feared not to stand up in defence of an esteemed and absent friend.

Mr. C. remarked that he served in the senate with Henry Clay and Daniel Webster for seven years. He was in the national councils at the time the compromise act was passed; had an intimate knowledge of the circumstances attending the origin and passage of that act, knew well the motives which actuated Henry Clay in the distinguished part he took on that occasion, and he could not, nor would he, stand in silence and hear the motives of the man who stood a head and shoulders taller than any other statesman in this country impugned. Fellow citizens, I am one of those who voted for the compromise act, and I look upon that vote as one of the proudest acts of my life."

Mr. Clayton was a member of the committee to whom the subject was referred in the senate and was fully conversant with the reasons for introducing the Mr. Clayton would not do Mr. Webster injustice. bill into that body. These reasons he briefly stated. Whatever doctrines he had entertained, he maintainIn the early part of that session the president or se-ed with extraordinary powers of eloquence and reacretary of the treasury, offered his project of a ta-soning. But it did not become him to attempt to arriff bill which was to raise but twelve millions of raign Henry Clay before the American people—the dollars by duties. It was referred to the committee man, around the edges of whose shining buckler the Thus far, he said, Mr. Webster and himself went of ways and means in the house of representatives, noble spirits of the land, and the champions of a pro- together; but at this point their roads forked. He

thought he once knew Mr. Webster's opinions; he was formerly the champion and defender of the Bank of the United States. He was the man above all others who resisted executive usurpation. Again in 1837, shoulder to shoulder with Henry Clay, he opposed the sub-treasury, and other governmental contrivances as succedaneums for a National Bank.

-

Mr. Clayton noticed and refuted various objections to a national bank, ridiculing, with a good deal of caustic satire, the idea of danger from the fact of the stock being owned by foreign capitalists, so long as it was under our own control.

Mr. Clayton now read several extracts from speeches made by Mr. Webster in 1837, and at other times, wherein he declared himself in favor of a National Bank, and opposed to the experiments proposed by the administration as substitutes. Among the objections made to these by Mr. W. was the fact that they were to be government institutions, and under the control and management of the federal government. Mr. C. then compared these opinions On the subject of the bank, Mr. C. said he wish with those lately expressed by Mr. W. in his Fanueiled to be understood as speaking for himself alone. Hall speech, in favor of the government exchequer He was like the soldier at Yorktown, who fought on scheme recommended to congress last winter: and, his own hook. if not the plan of Mr. W. himself, he had avowed his entire approval of it. You all know, said M. C. what that scheme was-an exchequer-a government bank with fifteen millions capital, and God knows how many more. How comes it about that he has abandoned his old notions of banking and has resorted to-I will not say the very scheme he once so strenuously denounced, but bad as that was, one ten times worse? He says he has read all the works upon finance and banking, and knows that if tried, his exchequer scheme would restore a sound currency to the country.

Now, said Mr. C., I have not so much knowledge on this subject as Mr. Webster, doubtless, but I have read and studied it pretty attentively for the last ten years, and I feel bound to say that this exchequer scheme is the very last I would propose. He looked upon it as a scheme of executive power. Instead of laying duties to meet public expenses, especially in a case of emergency, congress would authorise an increase of the capital of this exchequer, and go on using its funds until a debt equal to that of the British nation might be accumulated. This scheme, Mr. C. said, had failed to gain the respect and support of any body of respectable men; and even "the corporal's guard" refused to stand by it.

Mr. C. noticed the remark of Mr. Webster, that
the tariff was passed by loco foco votes; in reply to
which he said that the tariff was a whig measure;
and he showed why it was that some whigs were
found voting against the last bill-because it had
yielded, as they thought, to executive dictation, and
given up the distribution of the proceeds of the sales
of the public lands, another whig measure.
He then took up and discusssed the subject of the
distribution of the proceeds of the sales of the pub-
lic lands and showed the importance of the measure
to those states involved in debt, and the advantages
to be derived from it by others not in debt, by pro-
viding for the education of the children of every
citizen rich and poor.

He alluded to the late tremendous gathering of
freemen to welcome Henry Clay at Dayton, Ohio
and compared the remark of a loco foco paper that
"it was a pretty smart meeting," to the anecdote of
the man who being refused admittance to Noah's
Ark, said he did'nt believe there was going to be any
thing more than "a smart shower after all." Great
laughter and cheering.

Mr. Clayton closed by pronouncing an eloquent eulogium upon Mr. Clay, which reached the hearts of the multitude who listened with unbroken attention to his remarks for two hours and who went away

Baltimore Sun, on the 8th inst:
The following communication appeared in the

whig, and a true one. I can tell him that I too, am traitorous as flippant invective would have the public a whig-a Delaware whig-and one of the Blue to believe. Hen's Chickens, and defy him or any other Daniel Now let us for a moment regard Mr. Webster come to judgment to read me out. He asks what is when accepting office under general Harrison. He to come of him? I can only say, I find private life was at large to choose his post. He is human, and and attention to my professional business quite agree- must be allowed to shew the infirmity of noble able. For one, however, I should be sorry the coun- minds." He saw a vast theatre for exertion in two try should be deprived of his services, so long as he departments of the government, the treasury and state is as good a whig as he was a few years ago. departments. His persistent and sagacious analysis (Cheers.) of the subject, his thorough and masterly expositions, in repeated efforts in the senate, of all the principles of finance, and the distressing confusion of the monetary system of the country, suggested to the suc cessful candidate for the presidency, the expediency of reclaiming the circulating medium of the nation from its wavering value and chaotic entanglement, by the superintending energies of this steady and full-fed mind. It was unquestionably a great field, and might well have deserved the resources of this capacious reasoner; inestimable would have been the value in all likelihood of his skill and experience in fixing once more the standard of property, had he chosen that scene for his efforts. But at the same moment the other department offered a more splendid opportunity of durable triumph; one less mixed-if at all mixed-with the perversions of party, and where success would not be probably disputed as a fault or crime. That triumph would pass into international history, and would outlive in steady brilliance the ephemeral repute of a local or partisan merit. He had before him the example of Hamilton, whose creative genius had moulded for an infant nation, immersed in the revolutionary debt, in indemnities to the tories, in an unpaid civil list, and the arrearages to her soldiers, schemes of finance so wise, so perfect, so comprehensive, that rapidly they disembar rassed the country of its engagements, infused confidence at home and abroad, and have constituted ever since the models for every mode of wise management in consimilar cases. Yet where is the reputation of that unmatched Secretary's report? That production, which it seems, it will take generations before it be generally comprehended, as was the case with the reflections of Machiavel, Montesquieu, Berkley and Bacon. Will that thorough and proMr. C. read further extracts from Mr. W's speech phetic treatise rate him in the general estimate, by in which he declared he went for a bank and noth-delighted and edified. the side of Jefferson, for his capacious policy maniing but a bank: now in his Fanueil Hall speech he fested by the purchase of Louisiana? No. Though says the idea of a national bank is an obsolete idea. How long, Mr. C. asked, has the idea been obsolete? its results were to the full as signal, the abstruse and impalpable nature, so far as the mass is concerned, We had had a bank, the charter of which was sign- MR. EDITOR: I dissent from either the justice or of the peculiar ability for such accomplishments, ed by George Washington; we had had another policy of proscribing Mr. Webster. Gladly would precludes any but a closet reputation for that kind of signed by James Madison; and with these the coun-I have avoided the publicity of vindicating what is statesman. How few know of Morris, the financier try had been for forty years prosperous. He declar- deemed by me precious privileges of whig liberty, of the revolution? and yet his patriotism was as ared himself satisfied with what had been tried and by this individual resistance of the substance and dent, his private sacrifices as great, and his intellifound good, and that which was good enough for temper of the comments on Mr. Webster, made by the gence equal to that of any other of his compatriots. those old fashioned men, George Washington and speakers in Monument square on Tuesday night; but By selecting therefore the secretary of states's James Madison, was good enough for him. There in allowing his denunciation to pass unchallenged, place, Mr. Webster sought a justifiable and laudable were some who pretended to be very wise and deep- with my present conception of the ground-work of opportunity of serving his country consistently with ly read, who pronounced a national bank unconstitu- his conduct, I should be accessary to a thraldom of his best fame. His expositions of finance would in tional: doubtless these men were much wiser than party, odious in itself and unwise in the eyes of every time be light of common day with his party, and none Washington and the other framers of the constitu- one, who desires to retain as adherents all who coin would heed their source in the Babel of competitiontion, and knew better what that constitution was in- cide as to political measures. Besides, there is no ary disquisitions on that subject. His fearless, sound other form of staying the prejudice which those and master commentaries on the constitution would Mr. Clayton spoke of the institution called the speakers have thus sought to excite or augment.-sink into the text; and with a few generations his United States Bank, in Chesnnt street, as nothing but Their sneers, invectives or bewailments-the latter fame would fade, as all must, which is earned on a state bank. He never believed this bank could or the distilment of politician sincerity—have taken an evanescent subjects. Such efforts are but the sunsets would perform the functions of a national bank. He artificial sanction from the fact, that they who utter- of intellect; time is full of them, and they so rival did not desire to censure any one-he did not cen-ed them spoke by the invitation of the central com- each other, that all distinction is unattainable. But sure any one-but he had a right to say that he not mittee, and would, whilst unanswered by any whig. as the negotiator of the boundary question, whose only never had confidence in that institution himself, be regarded as having undergone the assay and stamp difficulties had menaced the concord of the two great and had never owned a dollar of its stock or dealt of the mint, before being ventured as currency.- maritime nations of the world, and as the incorporawith it in any manner, but he had expressed his want Now I have every proper respect for these gentle- tor into the international code of the new rule of of confidence in it to his friends. When asked why men as individuals; but I do not intend being made positive law, flowing from the general principal of it would not perform the functions of a national bank, to redeem their issues because of their assurance, mutual equity, connected with the "Creole" case, since it was managed by the same men, and had the founded on a very natural probability, that they will Mr. Webster had a right to expect that history would same capital, assets, &c., he had given his reasons be sanctioned by him whom they have installed as become his guardian, and the civilized world in its by comparing it to a seventy-four gun ship upon a the president of the institution. I also want the judgment in all time the dispenser of lasting fame mill pond. Upon the ocean she could perform the other countersign. In plain language, my vote is not and approval. The ability of a party leader would duties of a national ship; but upon a mill pond with at the service of a party which expels from its ranks, thus become statesmanship; and his reasoning be in the same compliment of men, the same armament, those who agree in sentiment on general principles, futurity words of authority in the collisions of nationthe same assets, if you please, all she could do would but may not choose for the leader him who has the al sovereignties. Surely this was a high and meribe to go piking up the pond, and then come perching sanction of the great majority. It is the privilege of torious object of ambition; can even envy slight its down again. Mr. Webster to dislike Mr. Clay if he sees fit; per- claim? Mr. Clayton spoke of Mr. Ewing's bill or plan, haps he may have justifications that meet not the With such grand and lofty motives then, we assume sent to congress at the extra session, and comment-public eye and are unsuited to it; yet if he advocates that Mr. Webster, selected the position of secretary of ed on Mr. Webster's remark, that the objection the standard measures of the party, he is nevertheless state. Such occasions in diplomacy are rare. After made to that bill was a theoretical objection, and a whig. For aught I care, he may be the rival of the inception of his duties with general satisfaction, that the omission to exercise a power was not a sur- Mr. Clay. He is none the less a whig. He may de- the melancholy death of the president accidentally render of the power. In reply to his observations sire to compel his rival to submit their respective cast authority in the hands of the vice president, he read further paragraphs from one of his former claims to a national convention, or otherwise refuse whom none had chosen or voted for with any referspeeches. Well did he remember this masterly to enlist in supporting him who thus disrespects the ence to such contingency. Ashburton is announced speech, which he said, was made by Mr. Webster, feelings of a minority in their common party. He as the delegated envoy to this government, a man of when he was a true wing. He did not say he was has a right to do so, and is none the less a whig for approved judgment, kindly feelings to our institunot one now. He (Mr. W.) says he is a Massachu- so doing, than was general Harrison in 1840. And tions, and estimated competeney. The secretary ensetts whig-there were none better; and he says if to all who are capable of not being zealots, and will gages in the perfect comprehension of his task-fits any one attempts to read him out of the party, they appreciate the natural desires of a political career himself in all his details-meditates his striking illusmust take care that they do not get out first. Now, of unsurpassed ability and coherency of principles, trations of the equities of international law, and in my fellow citizens, said Mr. C., I shall not attempt this independent assertion of his claims to consider- scheme after scheme co-operates in the fabrication any such thing. I hope Mr. Webster will long be a ation, will not be viewed as quite so presumptuous or of measures to reinstate the national currency and

tended to be than those who made it.

credit. He solicits the scruples of Mr. Tyler, and
endeavors with all his influence to persuade that
functionary to accede to the views of the leading men
in the whig party. But in that, the machinations of
others foiled him. What next? His coadjutors, dis- Look to Mr. Webster's speech. Is it ambiguous one whom he deems not altogether consistent on the
gusted with their impressions of the shifting and un- as to measures of policy? On what points is it sus-subject of the tariff principle in past time, and pos-
certain, and influenced scruples of the president de ceptible of remarks? Clearly he is in the van as to sibly from the unexpressed grounds of a determined
facto, throw up their offices and retire. It was a whigism in point of doctrine. Who has ventured so opposition, until concluded by a national convention,
matter of pride and sensibility with them founded on far in disowning repudiation? And yet, last night, in to this forced sustainment of his public rival and
on the notion that they were to regard the incumbent of his usual handsome manner, Mr. Wallis laid it down private enemy. For one, traduced as Mr. Webster
the presidency as the exponent of principles which endan- as the discriminating test from loco focoism, a readi- has been by the partisans of the western statesman,
gered the success of their own, and which they supposed ness to endure and impose taxation for the liquida- it is quite natural-day, it would be out of nature to
they shared with him. Now I conceive, Mr. Webster tion of our honest contracts. Was the exchequer bill expect otherwise-that he should view with great
had no such estimate of an accidental president. He a loco foco favorite? Is the tariff for protection, aversion all his own efforts ripening into a reward
confidently felt that such an unforeseen officer might broadly avowed, a loco foco measure or favorite with for a bitter rival.
embark in any inconsistencies he thought proper that party in general? Are re-arrangements of our There are those who will dispute the enmity of
without at all compromising the consistency of his commercial treaties, through the instrumentality of Mr. Clay to Mr. Webster, and will refer to his re
secretary, who had the tempting occasion of being retaliatory duties, so as to give our commerce a fair commendation of him to the cabinet position he af-
engaged in a negotiation of destined celebrity and in- footing, not a whig principle? Wherein is Mr. Web- terwards held and holds. It is well known that
terest to induce his remaining in an unagreeable post ster's speech or conduct reproachable? It is asked, such a course was unavoidable by Mr. Clay, this
in other particulars. Could Mr. Webster express why has he not denounced Mr. Tyler? That would distinction being the desert of the northern states-
his opinion of Mr. Tyler without incurring dismissal? have been a very discreet course to have finished the man, and one he could not accept himself. But will
Cui bono? Was not the president's confidence essen- treaty. Does he not say that he has dissuaded the it be pretended that the reciprocal intercourse has
tial to the successful fulfilment of the duties of nego- vetoes? Does he exculpate in any single particular not been marked by a lofty, and assumed assertion
tiation? What next? Right beneath the nose of the the censurable points of Mr. Tyler's administration? of superiority by the favorite of the majority of the
secretary is established a print, the Independent," in Could it be expected he should unburthen all his whigs-a course more objectionable among equals
the avowed advocacy of Mr. Clay, whose columns, opinions of the president, after the confidence he has than the contumelies of a declared foe? I am not
day by day, indulge in the grossest calumny of Mr. enjoyed for the completion of the treaty? In the insensible to the due claims of Mr. Clay, yet it is
Webster's motives and character private and public. joy of victory, Perry suppressed the recreant be- not treason-and if it is, I claim the crime-to insist
Another print, the "Louisville Journal," a staunch havior of Elliott in the engagement, from his official for Mr. Webster, that he shall as well be indulged in
and zealous Clay paper, on loose information publish- report. This shows the natural leaning of the hu- rivalry of Mr. Clay, as General Harrison was. That
es, of the greatest intellect and champion of whig man heart; and I ask what man would not have over- the party may chance to be distracted, is no conside-
principles, who has been half a century in their ser- boiled with indignation at the ungenerousness which ration with one who would hold his self-respect vio-
vice, a libel of the most shameful traduction, and could aver truth against a fallible friend? By the lated by yielding, without arbitration, to the preten-
endangering his domestic happiness if it could have statement of his principles, Mr. Webster continues sions of a political rival. It is true we have seen
been at all credited. The lust of office is assigned in his whig allegiance and leaves his reprobation to a proper in this state to nominate Mr. Clay, without
all the whig press, almost, as the reason for his conti- decorous and unavoidable inference. All who agree any kind of reference to the aspirations of others,
nuance as secretary! What is human nature, and is that he could maintain office for the consummation and for one I concurred in it. But the question is,
Mr. Webster not human? Is such a line of conduct, of the treaty, must likewise admit the propriety of was that just to Mr. Webster? And has he no right
not publicly reprobrated by any prominent whig, of a an entire reserve as to the culpable particulars of Mr. to complain, that thus the track was pre-occupied in
kind to estrange him from the leader whose press and Tyler's administration. There is generosity due to an indelicate manner to embarrass his pretensions by
partizans are thus vituperative? Under what bond of even an enemy, if you have enjoyed his hospitality. an indisposition to contest the nomination? If a class
endurance did nature place him and his superiority, Is Mr. Webster still to continue in the cabinet, of politicians abjure conventions, they have no right
that he must secede and forego splendid advantages, may be the next anxious enquiry. I hope not; yet I to complain of that dissatisfaction which has pledged
involving no compromise of principle, to mark his clearly perceive an adequate motive for his remain- itself to no submission. Let Mr. Clay yield to the
sense of a deviation he could not control, and which ing. It will be remembered that the British envoy determination of a national convention, and Mr. Web-
no doubt he did not regard as the errancy of a disclaimed authority to bind his government on the ster ought to be satisfied. His dignity will thus be
selected president? Indeed this is asking rather too principles of the "Creole" case, in reply to a letter met with proper notice, and he can join in the sup-
much for Mr. Clay. A president chosen as the ex- of Mr. Webster, which the English statesman conced- port of a bitter enemy by the principles of a fair
ponent and representative of defined principles, ed was new in many of its views, and written with compact, and not seem to be driven into it by his
might well, nay, ought to be abandoned, when per- surprising perspicuity and power. He said, however, destitution of rival support. Thus, he will be ena-
verting his office in rebrobation and exclusion of mea- with a broad intimation of a favorable consideration of bled to bear himself with suitable independency and
sures upon which he was elected, and it is endanger them, that he would submit them to his home govern- pride, should his political rival be successful, and
ing the cause of truth to countenance by one's friend-ment, in the hope (the manner of expression strongly should the one sce proper to mix him in the adminis-
ly services in assistance, this treachery and fraud.- conveyed belief) that the doctrines of the great pub- tration, or the other to be so mixed.
But as the case differs, the principle does. It is licist. the secretary, might be in the main acknow-! Can any one deny that during the extra session the
not in the power of one not chosen by the people and ledged as of obligatory force. So, overtures were conduct of Mr. Clay was so menacing and imperious,
unenjoying their political confidence to insert varia- also made for the adjustment of the Oregon dispute, that Mr. Webster or any other equal might well in-
tions into the text and pass his gloss for their doctrine. which were accepted in like friendly temper. It is sist that such a disposition, if indulged, might very
There was no necessity for Mr. Webster to abandon very natural Mr. Webster should desire to await these well suit the leader of an army, but was wholly in-
the negotiation of the treaty, that his authority might issues, especially that of the "Creole" case. A favo- consistent with the due rights of colleagued men of
not be supposed to authenticate the vetoes of an ac- rable settlement of that difficulty in pursuance of the eminence in the sustainment of specific principles. If,
cident. For those vetoes the whig party are respon- asserted maxims of international equity will infallibly therefore, besides whatever alienation Mr. Webster
sible, in having, in mistaken cupidity for the vote of rank him in the highest grade of civilians. He will may have experienced from the reported ill terms
Virginia, offered a bribe which has purchased their not only deserve the honor, but he will receive it; subsisting between himself and Mr. Clay, we add the
own punishment.
and his name will be coeval and accompany the prin- natural unwillingness that an equal is sure to feel at
ciples whenever the contingencies of sovereignties the stubborn self-dependence of Mr. Clay and his
friends, which three years ahead seeks to pre-occu-
shall renew a similar discussion.
Py the ground by his nomination without at all con-
sulting, in convention, either the feelings or claims
of others, we need not be surprised that Mr. Webster
should retain his principles, but refuse to advocate
them for the benefit of a haughty and presumptuous
rival. The apparent patriotism of those in this out-
cry against the secretary for not having resigned,
will, on examination, be found adulterate with some
of that eagerness for individual assurance of hopes of
a selfish kind to be gratified in the future, which
overlooks the prerogatives of others. A century
will elapse before any negotiator will have such an
opportunity for fame as Mr. Webster has effectively
used; and what principle has he compromised? He
naturally is willing to retort on the friends of Mr.
Clay some of the contumely which they were so in-
considerate and unjust as to assail him with when in-
capable of reply. Was there any open reproof then,
at this unpatriotic, un- Whig, ungrateful, impairment
of the personal consideration and influence of Mr.
Webster? It has been told me to-day, that the sec-
retary has inconsistently and discreditably enforced
the illiberal and illegal removals of printers, at the
instance of the president, for their zealous sustain-
ment of Mr. Clay. I want to know the facts and
dates of these I am ignorant as well as of the whole
A WHIG.
matter.

has received from Mr. Clay's friends? Will it be de- | resignation. I understand more: that coupled as
nied that Mr. Clay has been long accustomed to mis- these "divorcing" resolutions of the Massachusetts
treat him in this particular? I can agree with the convention are with the nomination of Mr. Clay, he
secretary on each debateable point.
will not be drawn in that form into the support of

What next? The pressing embarrassment of the
finances renders indispensable some effort to adjust
the currency. Mr. Webster projects the only at- It seems to give great offence that Mr. Webster
tainable measure under the casualty of such a presi- has seen proper to remark with some severity on the
dent, and in a project of singular simplicity and pro- whig convention of Massachusetts. It certainly was
mise, asks the support of a whig congress to the an unnecessary and impolitic line of proceeding, but
principle, that in some form or other the government as I comprehend the train of his censure, a very na-
is bound to provide a good currency. How is it tural one. Mr. Webster erred in supposing, first,
treated? With contumelious neglect or jealous con- that the contumelious manner in which he had been
demnation; and he who has most consistently and ef- treated by Mr. Clay's friends and presses, was pre-
fectively resisted executive encroachment, is de- sent and felt by that respectable body; so that when
nounced in his plan as having attempted an experi- he perceived the nomination of Mr. Clay, unaccom-
ment hazardous to liberty. This was the alarm of panied by any kind of consideration of himself, he
some, whilst others treated it as too "unlicked" and naturally supposed it a reflection upon his own beha-
feeble for consideration. This was very magnani- vior, especially when that nomination was accompa-
mous and conciliatory! Was it not to pass a censure nied by a proclamation of divorce of the whig party
at once on his motives in remaining in the cabinet; from Mr. Tyler, without any gentle manifestation of
or to declare the impossibility of any measure being subsisting confidence in himself. So by the work-
originated for the benefit of the country that was not of ings of a natural resentment, he thought himself re-
Clay parantage? I do not mean to say its rejection flected on, and the meed of the state inconsiderately
so argued or implied; but-it is useless to deny it-it and ungratefully passed over to the individual whose
was entertained as a measure from an enemy. It organs had been industrionsly blackening his charac-
was determined in factious hostility, that the patient
should receive his medicine but from a particular
hand. The cure was dreaded, if Clay was not the

doctor.

It is not pretended that all minds would choose to court glory at the expense of such restraint as Mr. Webster must needs have endured. That is not the question. The issue is, was it criminal, dishonest or unpatriotic for a whig to retain office under such

ter and defaming his motives. I do not doubt that
this natural suspicion of that convention was wholly
undeserved. I do not suppose it could knowingly
have been brought to pre-judge him, and in this indi-
rect course to deal a blight on the chiefest pride of
the Bay State.

Again, when Mr. Webster protests against the divorce from Mr. Tyler, I understand him to repel such a proceeding as reflectively imposing the necessity in the past for a relinquishment of office, and 2. Is it unnatural or unreasonable that Mr. Web- in a manner to vindicate himself and all the minisster should resent the slanderous disparagement hel terial servants of the government from unavoidable

circumstances?

From the North Carolina Standard. Dinner to the hon. John C. Calhoun, of South Carolino, at Shocco Springs, Warren co. North Carolina, September 2, 1842.

zen.

At 2 o'clock the company sat down to a sumptuous feast, prepared by the worthy proprietress of Shocco Springs; at which the hon. John Branch presided, assisted by the following named gentlemen as vice presidents: Weldon N. Edwards, Daniel Turner, Geo. D. Baskerville, Edmund D. McNair, Guston Perry, Wood T. Johnson, Jas. S. Battle, Sam'l L. Arrington, Thos. I Hicks, W. W. Young, Wm. H. Gray, John J. Bell, A. A. Austin.

13. The American fair: Whose smiles are alike! cheering to the soldier and the statesman.

timent:

[Haste to the Wedding]

Nathaniel Macon-the wise, the virtuous, and the
patriotic: may his name be forever remembered by
the friends of constitutional liberty.
A. A. Austin, Esq., of Halifax, one of the vice-
presidents, was now called on for a toast, and gave
Hon. R. M. Saunders-always the able and fear-
less champion of democratic principles: the zeal and
ability with which he has sustained her interests, are
appreciated by North Carolina; and he will receive

the

By one of the company,

Many other toasts were drank, but have not been furnished for publication. Letters from many gentlemen who had been invited to attend, were receiv ed, generally declining in consequence of their great anxiety to return home after so protracted a session of congress.

The festivities of the day were closed with a ball, and all passed off with the utmost harmony and good feeling.

The only regret expressed by any one present during the day was that we could not have had a longer notice, that thousands might have been present instead of hundreds to enjoy the scene.

Letters of acknowledgement were received from various gentlemen invited, but who did not attend the dinner, as Silas Wright, jr., James Buchanan, A. Rencher, J. Thompson, Louis D. Henry, W. W. Payne, Tho. H. Benton, Thomas Ritchie and others.

Our distinguished guest, accompanied by the hon. I R. M. Saunders and th Lon. J. H. J. Daniel, arciv The proviso to the bill distributing the proceeds of ed at Shore) about 19 o'clock, under the escort of a the public lands-If wrong, it should never have committee appointed to receive Him, and met from In announcing the fifth regular teast, the presi-been adopted; if right, it should never have been rethe large and respectable party there assembled a dent took occasion to refer briefly, but forcibly, to pealed. The whig party may select either horn of most cordial and enthusiastic reception. The short- the services of our distinguished guest, and to ex- the dilemma. ness of the notice-it having been receiving only press the sincere conviction, that those who were thirty-six hours previous to the day of the dinner- then assembled to honor a faithful public servant, rendered it utterly impossible that even the citizens would be as ready to condemn him when wrong as of our own county could be generally informed of they were to applaud him when right. the time appointed for the festival: yet such was the When the cheering had subsided, Mr. Calhoun anxiety of the people to see and do honor to this il- rose and addressed the company for about an hour lustrious statesman, that by 12 o'clock from seven in his own peculiar, sententious and lucid manner. hundred to a thousand persons had assembled, all of He entered into a brief history of the parties, which whom expressed the most profound regret that their originating in the convention which framed the confriends and neighbors could not be present to par- stitution, had retained their distinctive characteristake with them of the great intellectual feast. Ne- tics down to the present day. He reviewed the pover did public servants receive a more heartfelt tri-licy of the followers of Alexander Hamilton, whom bute of respect and admiration from any portion of he complimented as one of the brightest luminaries our people. Even those of our opponents who were of our revolutionary era, and proved that they had present, left the feast with more than wonted kind-ever looked to high taxes, union of bank and state, ness in their hearts and words of praise upon their and a near assimilation of our form of government lips. The unaffected simplicity of manners-the to that of Great Britain, as the most desirable: while purity of heart and the rectitude of purpose, so ma- the republican party, with few occasional excepnifest to all who know Mr. Calhoun, however slight- tions, had advocated the opposite policy of "free ly, won for him a place in the affections of all pre-trade-low duties-no debt-separation from banks ADDRESS OF MR. BERRIEN. The hon. J. M. Bersent. The ladies, God bless them! looked fairer -economy-retrenchment-and strict adherence to rien of the senate of the United States, lately puband lovelier than ever, while their blushing cheeks the constitution." As we hope to be able to furnish lished an address to the people of Georgia, in which and excited manner told how anxious they were to the public with his whole speech in a short time, we he reviews the leading topics which have engaged honor him whose spotless private character affords will not attempt a further sketch of it, well aware the attention of congress within the past year." so bright an example to the statesman and the citi- that none but its author can do it justice. Mr. Cal- On the subject of Mr. Everett's nomination, he houn concluded his remarks with the following sen-speaks as follows: The vote which I felt it my duty to give on the nomination of Mr. Everett, as minister to Great Britain, is the next measure which the legislature of Georgia has deemed worthy of censure. The majority of that honorable body have supposed, that the rejection of this nomination would have given an efficient check to opinions unfavora ble to southern interests in relation to slavery-and they censure the vote for his confirmation as not truly representing the wishes of either political party in Georgia. With great respect for those who have expressed it, I think this supposition is erroneous in both particulars. The abolition party were Loud and long continued cheering succeeded this anxiousiy expecting the rejection of this nomination toast; and when it had subsided, Gen. Saunders ad- in the hope of turning it to advantage, and the jour1. The constitution of the United States: Formed dressed the meeting for half an hour in his most im-nals of the day will serve to show what a flame it by the wise and good men who achieved our revolu-pressive and effective manner, concluding his remarks would have lighted up in the northern, eastern and tion: let it not be destroyed in a moment of passion, middle states, among those who were not the advoto accomplish the designs of party. cates of abolition, nor friendly to those who were, but who claimed the right to think on the subject of slavery as their consciences, their associations and their education had taught them, without being disqualified on that account for holding office under the federal government. Mr. Everett is a citizen of a state, where under the influence of causes unconnected with the morality of the question, slavery had ceased to exist before he entered on the theatre of life. The circumstances of his position, his associations, his education, were all calculated to give him different views on that subject from those which we entertained. Had he been born and edu cated among us, our views and his would probably have been identical. As it is, it is true, that in the course of a political canvass in which he was a cangreat applause, when Mr. Shepard rose and enchain-didate, and in the discharge of his official duties as ed the attention of the audience for half an hour, governor of Massachusetts, he expressed opinions with one of the finest bursts of eloquence we ever which conflict with ours in relation to the right of listened to, and concluded with the following toast: congress to abolish slavery in the District of CoThe county of Warren-The ancient bulwark of lumbia, and to interdict the slave trade between the Carolina republicanism: it adheres to its own princi-states, and as to the admission of territories into the ples in doing honor to their great defender. union, where slavery prevailed. But he was an early, I believe the earliest, and certainly one of the most decided advocates on the floor of congress, of the rights of the south of their exclusive right to when to the astonishment of the more timid or more determine the question of slavery for themselves, prudent of his eastern brethren, he declared his

After the cloth was removed, the regular toasts

were announced by the president and vice presidents,

and drank by the company with great enthusiasm: REGULAR TOASTS.

[Music-Hail Columbia.

2. The memory of Washington.

[Washington's March.

3. The principles of '98 and 99: Founded upon a true interpretation of the constitution, sustained by the most illustrious statesmen of our revolutionary era: their maintenance in their original purity is essential to the preservation of our free institutions. [Marseilles Hymn. [Jefferson's March.

4. The memory of Jefferson.

his reward.

with the following sentiment:

The veto power-its firm exercise by the president in restraint of bad laws-and by the people in condemnation of faithful representatives. The first is heard in the capitol-the second sounds the death knell of whiggery at the ballot boxes.

the

F. A. Ezell, Esq., was next called on and toasted
Hon. J. R. J. Daniel-the able and fearless advo-
cate of the enduring principles of '98 and 99: North
Carolina delights to honor him.

Mr. Daniel responded briefly to the above; and
George D. Baskerville, Esq. gave the
Hon. Charles Shepard-The democracy of North
Carolina will be proud to call him again into their

5. John C. Calhoun: In early manhood the ardent champion of his country's rights: in his maturer years the stern foe of monopolies and domestic ty-service. ranny, however distinguished; at all times and under This toast was received by the company with all circumstances the patriot and statesman: N. Carolina admires his character, and will remember his [Hail to the Chief.

services.

6. Agriculture, the great interest of the union: It asks not the protection of government, but depends on the smiles of Heaven and the industry of the people. [Speed the Plough.

7. Commerce: All it asks is "Free trade and sailors' rights:" Let its friends beware lest the advocates of protection clip its wings and destroy its usefulness. [Music.

8. A protective tariff: The worst foe to agriculture and commerce-agrarianism in its most odious form, which robs the many to distribute the spoils to

10. Andrew Jackson, ex-president of the United States: who, having filled the measure of his country's glory, is now content to spend the remainder of his days in the calm and tranquil enjoyment of the blessings of that government which he has so much adorned, by a long and illustrious life of public services. [Jackson's March.

11. The principle of distribution. which gives to the states that which the wants of the government require to be supplied by taxation: A policy at war with every dictate of prudence and economy.

Thos. Harris, Esq. of Halifax, gave

The distinguished president of the day-the hon.
John Branch, the able advocate of the rights of the
people: North Carolina claims him as her own hon-
ored son, and delights to cherish him.

company for the manner in which this toast was re-
The president briefly returned his thanks to the
ceived, and offered the following sentiment:

to

May we be ever ready when our country calls, act out the principles we have this day so enthusiastically professed.

readiness to shoulder his musket in the defence of them.

rican senator, acting under an obligation to support Besides, the question presented to me, as an Amethe constitution, was this: Whether a man whose opinions on the subject of slavery, were opposed to Weldon N. Edwards, Esq., being called on, gave mine, was for that cause alone, disqualified from Our sister state, South Carolina-Well is she en-holding an office, for which I was compelled to adtitled to the gratitude of the whole Union for hermit, as every body else did, that in other respects he rich contribution of genius and talent to the coun

cils of the nation.

Sent by hon. Dixon H. Lewis, of Alabama.
King's Mountain and Eutaw-The bloody fields of
the fame of the two Carolinas, and the monuments
of their enduring devotion to human liberty.
By R. C. Pritchard,

was eminently qualified. No such test could be found in the constitution, and in my judgment, it was the ultraism of human weakness, for a southern man to attempt to interpolate it there. We could have succeeded then, for southern whig senators would have been sustained by an almost undivided vote of the opposition, acting as a party, though maJohn C. Calhoun-Unspotted in private, unim-ny of them carried their hostility to slavery, further peachable in public life; in war our heroic guide, in than Mr. Everett did. But the recoil would have peace our safest counsellor; mighty in genius, yet been tremendous. If with us, hostility to slavery simple in character; vast in thought, yet practical in was a disqualification for office, would not our brethadministration-the people have marked him as the ren of the non-slave holding states have attached the same disqualification to its advocates? Neither pre

man for the times.

The main topic, which he urges almost every where through the discourse, is union, harmony, conciliation, forbearance; things which under any extremity of meditated' mischief or provocation, he considers the whigs most culpable in not having practised towards one whom, till his treachery took the most violent form, they did all they could to con

No human ingenuity, no eloquence, tence finds any warrant in the constitution. The list because we desire to approve in the warmest manner | tasked them. of disqualifications, too, might have been increa ed. the sentiments he expressed on the sacredness of even the most divine, could ever so dazzle or conSome of us entertain peculiar opinions in relation to pledges of public faith. The states must pay their found or bewitch men from all common sense, or We are state's right men, un- debts or stand disgraced-justly disgraced, before propriety, or principle, as to awe or argue them into our federal charter. ionists,-nullifiers. These several opinions are ho- the world. But of the rest of gen. HAMILTON'S sug- the monstrous proposition which it pleases him to nestly entertained, avowed and acted upon. They gestions, about a national paper currency, whether advocate; which through the entire scope of his are more intimately connected too with our federal by bank or exchequer, we need not say, we have no speech, is but this-that, whatever the obliquities of relations, than those abstract opinions on the subject favorable opinion. We doubt if general H. is well Mr. TYLER's course, whatever his faithlessness, whatof slavery. What would have been our feelings, if aware of the mighty change in the public mind on ever his open, avowed hostility to them, now cona distinguished citizen of the south, eminently quali- the subject of our banking history-he has been al- stantly declared, and though at this very instant his fied for a high office, to which he was nominated, most out of the current of our politics for four or official organs are constantly declaring that he never should have been rejected by our non-slave holding five years he does not know that even Mr. CLAY, was any thing but a true and faithful democrat, yet it bebrethren, because he entertained them?-if the mes- daring as he is, is scarcely bold enough to repeat the comes the whig party, and is their solemn duty, to sages of our executive magistrates. the publications old fashioned speeches about genaral JACKSON'S give him their undivided support, and to sustain his which had been made in the heat of a political can- war on the bank;"-there are few who do not look as a whig administration. vass, had been ransacked to fix upon him, some opi- back at that conflict with a feeling of deep gratitude nion in politics, or in morals repudiated by them? I to the then president, for saving the union from the am myself a slave holder, at least as deeply inte- disgrace of that unparalelled bankruptcy. General rested in checking the progress of abolition, as those H. repeats the old denunciations, as if they could who question the correctness of my conduct on this any longer find a response in our reason. "Regulate occasion; for the whole productive property, to which the currency" again too-and "a currency of equal I look for the support of a numerous family, con- value," and all this notwithstanding the lessons of sists of slaves, and the land which they cultivate. the past and the frown of the present! ciliate-a conciliation all on one side, as to Mr. TvBeyond my personal labor, I have no other resource. General H. still speaks as men spoke in 1837-LER and his followers. and which Mr. WEBSTER himI have every motive, therefore, as a southern man, still thinks reverently of the exploded impostures of self in no manner practises, even in the very address and a slaveholder, to resist the spread of abolition. the credit system-still yearns after the "aliquid vas- where he so zealously preaches it. It was as such, that I looked at this question. It was tum infinitumque" of shinplaster expansion-still beas a southern man, and a slaveholder, that I voted lieves that the medicine for broken credit is more for Mr. Everett. It did more to check abolition, promises-still holds that all things are possible to than any vote I had an opportunity of giving. It financiering. We need not say that in all these manifested a determination to exclude the subject of things we widely differ from him. We do not be slavery from the senate chamber. lieve that paper money is a good tihng, or a desiraIt deeply concerns us to keep this question from ble. We do not believe that the federal governthe halls of congress. Not with my consent, or by ment, whose revenues at this time fall far short of any agency of mine, shall it ever come there. It is its ordinary expenditure, and which is prevented under our own bright southern sun, around our own from meeting the deficit by borrowing, because it domestic altars, that it should alone be discussed.has no credit, is either in a condition to help the I know that senators from the south, who abstained states or set up for a great banker at least, its from voting on this nomination, participated in these only qualification is the entire want of both capital views, and would have acted upon them, if their and credit-a qualification more highly esteemed forvotes had been necessary to sustain it-and one dis- merly than now. It is true that we are suffering tinguished southern senator, whose devotion to south-from a decreasing currency; and that the evil is great, ern rights has never been questioned, who felt con- though far less when applied to this country than strained from his particular position to vote against those where the majority of the people may be starved Mr. Everett's confirmation, transmitted to me, soon after, a voluntary and unsolicited written assurance of his approbation of my course.

Those who censure this vote are, I am sure, under equal misapprehension as to the judgment pronounced upon it by our own citizens, of whatever party, who have looked to the question uninfluenced by partizan feeling. While I have been cheered by the approbation of many of our most intelligent citizens, conveyed to me personally and by letter, no contrary opinion has, in a single instance, been expressed to me. Beyond the denunciations of a partizan press, and 1 would not now point to any one of these, I saw this vote censured, for the first time, by the committee on the state of the republic, of the legislature of Georgia. I know, too, that while the nomination was pending before the senate, several southern men who were large slave holders, expressed the strongest anxiety for its confirmation, under a conviction of the impulse which its rejection would

give to the spread of abolition.

APPROPRIATION FOR MRS. HARRISON. I voted for the appropriation to Mrs. Harrison, in obedience to the dictates of my judgment, in accordance with my feelings, and under the sanction of precedent. The vote is susceptable of the fullest justification-but peace to the memory of the gallant old soldier, the great and good and virtuous man, whose services it requited, whose expenses incurred in the public ser

by a contraction of the currency-the products of
agriculture are not diminished by the distress, rather
increased-and it is worth remembering that we
imported bread when prices were at the top of their
great swell, and the country most "prosperous."-
The decrease in the currency is the consequence of
an inordinate expansion-if we would have a cur-
rency that increases only with our wants, we must
make it of something more solid than paper.

COMMENTS ON MR. WEBSTER'S LATE SPEECH.
From the National Intelligencer of October 7th.
Mr. Ewing's bank bill. We find that we contriv-
ed in scrutinizing Mr. WEBSTER'S Speech for the
expected disclosuree about the dissolution of the
cabinet, to overlook the following very frank and
very important statement of facts. It seems to us to
us to complete the testimony: adding that of the only
one of Mr. TYLER's official advisers who had not
heretofore spoken Mr. WEBSTER says:

Nothing can exceed the bitterness with which he seems to regard the late Massachusetts convention, who dared,in derogation of all his own wishes, to nominate Mr. CLAY for the Presidency. He pours upon that respectable and patriotic body a perfect tempest of sneers. "They had no business to do it: they exceeded their commission." If they did, it was hardly which in 1835 nominated Mr. WEBSTER himself against General HARRISON: a nomination which the great secretary declared he would rather avoid, but

more than did that legislative convention of the state

to which he felt bound to submit.

He taxes them, in a manner not less splenetic, with presumption, in undertaking to read Mr. TYLER out of the whig church: presently, he suspects, they may think of doing the same good office even to himself-himself, a Faneuil Hall Whig!—that ever was and ever will be a whig! Now, we know not what may seem arrogance to Mr. WEBSTER, in Massachusetts; but, certainly, such presumption as this the entire whig party have every where practised in regard to Mr. TYLER; and if Mr. WEBSTER'S Voice cannot deter Massachusetts, how should it deter the entire country from entering up, in the most solemn form of reprobation, its rejection, as a whig, of the man whom his own official minions are now extolling to the locofocos as having "done more damage to whigism than any other man on earth!"

In short, the temper of the speech is only good towards those who cross not Mr. WEBSTER'S Own purposes, and it overboils with ill-concealed rancor towards every thing that regards Mr. CLAY and the whigs themselves, so far as their confidence in him as their great leader identifies their cause with him.

Large as is the field for further stricture, we must confine ourselves to a few other main facts, that claim a more special public attention.

On Mr. TYLER's great "conscientious" question, "At the special session of congress the secretary the bank and its constitutionality; on the compromise of the treasury, Mr. Ewing, submitted to congress a plan for a national bank, founded upon the idea of a tective policy; on something like the assumption act, (which Mr. W. utterly denounces;) on the prolarge capital, made up by private subscriptions, and having the power to extend its branches all over the of state debts, or, at least, the appropriation of the not unambiguously;) and not all the vetoes, Mr. WEBcountry. I need not advert to the circumstances of public domain for that purpose, (which he suggests its presentation to congress. It had received the ap- STER avows his entire dissent from Mr. TYLER'S vice it indemnified. I will not disturb his ashes for probation of the president, and was concurred in by every views. Now, when before did the world ever witmember of the cabinet as the best that could be done; for the purpose of my vindication. Rather let me comwho, instead of quitting his ministry at the first leadmit myself to the calmer judgment and better feel- as we said, circumstances had placed in the first ness a ministerial fact like this-an adviser-in-chief, place the gentleman whom we all thought good ing of those who have censured this act of justice to enough for the second; and his opinions were dif. ing measure on which he cannot act with the throne, the memory of a departed friend and patriot. ferent from ours, but fixed; and we deemed it the clinging to his place, though he dissents from almost the part of wisdom and prudence to see how we every capital measure, and reprehending every man COMMENTS ON GENERAL HAMILTON'S LETTER TO MR. could get along as well as might be under the cir- who will not join him in sustaining acts and a policy cumstances. Mr. Ewing's plan was sent to congress as it had been described, except that the bank could not establish branches in the states without the consent of the states."

CALHOUN,

From the Columbia Carolian.

The letter is, altogether a curious affair. The general has now become "a great financier; and we should not be surprised if "the Wall street brokers," Such is the report of Mr. Webster's words in the or some other body of generous "financiers" should reward him with "a service of plate," as the stock-Tribune; and that of the Herald varies only the holders of the United States bank did Mr. BIDDLE, words but not the sense. just before the bank exploded.

When general Hamilton laid down the palmetto banner he had so long, so gallantly and gloriously carried, to join in the general scramble of the speculators, stock-jobbers, and money changers, after "so much trash as may be grasped thus,"

"Oh, what a noble mind was there o'erthrown."

From the Charleston Courier.

We publish the letter of this distinguished man addressed to Mr. CALHOUN through the papers, because every thing coming from him has interest, and

Now this is the bill of which Mr. Tyler has affirmed that he had never read it until after it was sent into Mr. Webster declares that the president had given it his approval, and that the cabinet and himself yielded their own opinion as to branches in the states-the president concurring in every thing else.

congress from his own cabinet.

all of which he condemns?

--

From the Boston Atlas of the 1st inst. The agony is over. Mr. Webster met his fellowcitizens in Faneuil Hall yesterday, according to appointment. He was received on his entrance with the most enthusiastic cheers. The hall was crowded to its utmost capacity by a highly intelligent and He was addressed and introduattentive audience. ced by Mr. Chapman, the mayor of the city, in a very eloquent, appropriate, and happy speech. Mr. Webster then addressed the assembled multitude in a speech which occupied nearly two hours. We can do little more this morning than to lay before our readers such reports as we have been able to obtain of the two speeches. Many of the views expressed From the National Intelligencer of Oct. 4th. and the grounds assumed by Mr. Webster are in Eminent as are the abilities of Mr. WEBSTER strict accordance with those entertained by the great commanding as are his powers of convincing and body of the whig party. They were put forth in the persuading—he has certainly, in this instance, over-strongest language, and with the most cogent and