LEGISLATURE. The senate consists of thirty-six

1842.

V. B. W. V. B. W.

TENNESSEE.

A bill for the abolition of imprisonment for debt has passed the house by a vote of 39 to 29. The senate has had under discussion the proposition of the legislature of South Carolina in relation to the Charleston and Ohio rail road.

ILLINOIS.

TAXES. The recent proclamation of the governor, auditor and treasurer of the state of Illinois, prohibiting the reception of state bank paper in payment of taxes for 1842 has raised quite a ferment among the people of that state. A large number of the tax payers, relying upon the laws and known indebtedness of the state to the bank, have saved this paper for the purpose of paying their taxes. They now find themselves without means to settle with the tax gatherers and. naturally enough, feel indignant at the arbitrary and illegal mandate.

Hawkeye of October 22.

IOWA.

The enterprising Yankees at Denmark, Lee county, are going into the manufacture of molasses and sugar from corn stalks, and oil and candles from lard.

EUROPEAN COMMENTS ON THE TREA
TY OF WASHINGTON.

From the Paris Constitutionel.

We cannot immediately tell what the United States gain by the stipulations which determine the boundary of the two conntries. We believe that upon this point, Lord Ashburton has been very accommodating, and has yielded without any excess of ill grace, to the triumphant argumentation of Mr. Webster upon the point of right.

As to the right of search, even the word is not pronounced in the treaty, but the 8th article stipulates that the U. States and England shall maintain upon the African coasts a naval force sufficient to repress separately and reciprocally the slave trade. This provision, if we are limited to its literal meaning, is exclusive of the right of search, but as the end of the article indicates that the commanders of the respective fleets may act in concert and co-operate after mutual consultation, doubts may justly be entertained of the true sense of a provision which determines the object without specifying the means On this part of the treaty we shall make but a simple observation; either the right of search is implicitly recognised in the article we have just referred to, and in that case the central government of the Union has singularly compromised the cause of the liberty of the seas, and has laid a fruitful foundation for future difficulties, or otherwise the treaty excludes the reciprocal right of search, and in this éase England has herself signed by the intermedium of Lord Ashburton, the condemnation of her former conduct; she has acknowledged that the right of search was not the only means, the necessary means for arriving at the abolition of the slave trade, and has given to the resistance of France a new and irrefutable argument.

By neither of those alternatives, does the treaty at Washington change the position that we have taken. If the U. States have committed an error, we ought not to desert, as they may have done, the cause of the liberty of the seas; if on the other hand, they have obtained better conditions than we have, our own honor imposes on us no longer to submit to a right of search, which they have rejected.

From the Presse.

The Journal of Debates thinks "the search question | the statesmen of the Union addressed themselves complicated as it is in the relations of the two coun- for the purpose of finding support, from the comtries with the question of neutral rights, is farther mencement of this conflict; and we may recollect from a satisfactory solution than ever. England ar- the appeal made to our country by the pen of the rogates to herself in time of war the right of search- American ambassador, Gen. Cass in person. The ing for fugitive sailors, to which the Americans will United States are now rendering back to us the serever refuse submission. Mr. Webster essayed a dis- vice we have done them. Let us then congratulate cussion upon the subject, but Lord Ashburton limit- the two countries which ought to derive from these ed himself by replying that he was without instruc- services, and this reciprocal utility, new motives for tions. Thus not only have the U. States not obtain- cementing their alliance and multiplying their relaed any concession upon the most irritating point of tions. their relations with England, but even Lord Ashbur- Let not people be deceived; every thing is not setton has refused categorically every arrangement tled between the U. States and England; this is not upon a question which, it is true, can only present a treaty of peace as it is pretended to be called, itself in time of war, but which always leaves a which Lord Ashburton has signed, but simply a truce, door open for rupture." a provisional arrangement in which are planted the germs, and the perspective for the future of a new rupture. Some grave questions have not even been touched; England has not wished to touch them; and among others we will cite the Oregon question, involving the fur trade, &c. England has but wished to avoid the immediate chance of war, and that has formed the chief advantageous result of the mission of English diplomacy. There is nothing then definitive in this settlement between the two rivals, and the alliance of France is more than ever useful to America.

From the Nationel.

England is not in the habit of negotiating and above all concluding disadvantageous treaties. Since the epoch of the Stuarts, if we except the treaty of 1783, which after all procured for her a peace, which was indispensable, we do not believe there can be quoted a single diplomatic convention signed by England, which has not procured her some advantage either for the nation or government.

From the Journal of Havre. The treaties providing a right of search of whatever date. 1831, 1833, or 1841, cannot as heretofore be again invoked by England. There is no more returning to that point. Those treaties are virtually abolished; this is no longer a question with any one. Hear what says the Revue de Paris, whose ministerial tendencies are well known; listen to its arguments against the right of search, in respect to the American treaty, which abandons this pretension, so unjust, and offensive to the flags which endure it. "It is henceforth determined that the cause of human liberty can be served without the exercise of the right of search, and this fact comes to the aid, if not of the ministry, at least of the policy of the chambers, at a most opportune crisis. The AngloAmerican treaty smoothes away the difficulties. England without doubt will now no longer insist on a point which she has already abandoned in respect to other countries; if otherwise, the very contrast would be offensive. If, however, she return to the How comes it then, that Lord Ashburton has concharge, the reply is easy, and facts have dictated it: sented to sign the transaction negotiated between "why do you ask of France what you have ceased to Lord Ashburton and Mr. Webster? In whatever exact from America? On our part there is neither manner it may be viewed, this transaction is evidentenmity nor pride; we pretend only to a respect equally disadvantageous for England. It cannot be disto that of any other nation whatever. The courtesy sembled, that upon all the most important points the which America has not had, France will not have." United States have obtained what they desired, and The treaties of 1831 and 1833, should fall then, that England has abandoned or at least adjourned all since they have not for their basis, a point of truth her pretensions. The English journals themselves or an essential principle. Lord Ashburton, without proclaim the check of their diplomacy. "We beso designing, has shaken the edifice elevated at so hold nothing in these articles," says one of them, much labor by the diplomacy of his country. What "of which England may be proud." Another, of is not true for America would not be so for the rest all the most devoted to the cabinet, says that the arof the world; right changes not with the hemis-rangement is good relatively; and that it was necesphere.

From the Commerce,

Our Washington correspondent transmits to us an important fact, and which gives a final blow to the treaties of 1831, 1833, and 1841.

sary to agree to it, or else to resort to arms, and that the former alternative was less unfavorable than the latter. The same journal replying to an adversary, avows that in the part of the treaty relating to the demarcation of boundary, Lord Ashburton has been basely mystified.

This is not saying enough. If Lord Ashburton has been mystified upon one point, he has been upon all; of this, nothing is more evident, England wished one thing, and the U. States wished another. England could quote in her favor the decision, probably impartial, of an old mediator, the king of Holland. The U. States, however, have obtained what they wished, and England has ceded what she did not wish to cede.

The same in respect to the right of search. The treaty formally consecrates the inviolability of the American flag.

tension that they owed no reparation, and moreover, that they were themselves entitled to a reparation. England has then yielded upon this point as upon the others.

A communication has been made by the American cabinet to the French legation for the purpose of explaining the situation of the United States, since the treaty negotiated with Lord Ashburton. By this note, the government at Washington declares, that at no time and for no cause can it possibly admit a foreign nation to partake the right of sovereignty on board of American vessels. The Union is ready to concur with all the powers in exacting a rigorous observance from its citizens of the laws which she has adopted against the slave trade, and which date from the commencement of the century; but she Not even in the Caroline affair, has England not will never permit a foreign authority to place its in reality succombed. America, it is true, obtains foot upon one of its vessels. She prizes too highly her no reparation for the violation of the law of nations honor and the independence of her flag. Such is the committed by the English against her territory and late treaty as it has been understood, accepted, and citizens, but in turn she renders none for the violacommented on by the cabinet of the U. States. If tion she has herself committed, in arresting and trywith some uncertain or credulous minds, there re-ing McLeod. But when Mr. McLeod was arrested, As we said yesterday, the articles to which Eng-mained any doubt of the nature of the concessions the English government officially announced the preland has just subscribed with the U. States for the made by the English, and of the firmness of the Amerepression of the slave trade, take from that power rican resistance, such doubt will no longer be possievery pretext, not only of insisting on the ratifica- ble in presence of those comments. After so catetion of the treaty of Dec. 20, 1841, but even of de- gorical a declaration, M. Guizot himself cannot lonmanding the maintenance or renewal of the conven- ger endure for France obligations, which England trons of 1831 and 1833. It is in the interest of peace has recognised to America the right of declining, as as well as of our dignity, that the principle of the humiliating to its honor, and as touching upon the conventions of 1831 and '33, should be abrogated. independence of its flag. The public right of the We are right in vindicating our cause by the con- seas has been preserved by this memorable act; and cession which has just been made to the U. States. after the retreat they have made in respect to the The English journals were saying lately that the U. States, the English will be unable to demand of condemnation of the course we have preserved in any power the maintenance of the right of search, respect to the treaty of 20th Dec. 1841, would come without demanding at the same time the avowed But is it true that the interests of England have from the U. States. They have been doubly de- sacrifice of its dignity and sovereign rights. been really sacrificed? that Lord Ashburton has alceived, for the U. States, far from furnishing Eng- The attitude of the American nation in this affair lowed himself to be mystified by the American goland with pretexts for blaming our conduct, furnish is a service rendered to France and to the cause of vernment; that under this appearance of disappointus a powerful weapon for breaking the last ligaments the liberty of the seas. We have no hesitation in ment there is not concealed some important and conwhich have bound us to the English policy. acknowledging it. But the Americans also owe to siderable advantage? After mature reflection, it The Siecle in reference to the renouncement by us an acknowledgment; for they have in turn deriv- seems to us, that the check of the English is more England of the claim of the right of search of Ame-ed strong support on this subject from the public ex- apparent than real; we believe that in return for her rican vessels in virtue of the treaties made with oth-pressed opinion of our country, and the unanimous enormous concessions, England has realized some er powers," says "it is difficult to imagine a more vote of the French chambers against the treaty of grand political scheme, not formally expressed in the complete check." 1841. It was to France, its national opinion, that treaty, but which will certainly reveal itself in the

The subjects of impressment and the Creole still remain; both are adjourned. It is seen then that the treaty is disadvantageous to England, in depriving her of territory which she pretended to legitimately possess, and of certain licenses which she has constantly endeavored to establish as a right, and is disadvantageous to her government in exposing it to accusatory comparisons and formidable attacks.

future and perhaps before the lapse of many days. | In fine I can announce to you as a fact that, since mystification and has become the passive instrument What induces us to believe this is first, as we said at the discussions which have taken place in the tri- of the individual interests of the United States in first, the English are not in the habit unless from ab- bune and press on this question, the whole impor-every thing that concerns the questions of the right solute necessity of concluding disadvantageous trea- tance of which had not before been seized upon, of search." ties; that they are not now pressed by any immedi- Admira' Duperre our minister of marine has been Nothing is more without foundation than these reately imperative necessity; that they have got along unwilling to deliver any more of the licenses, proaches. It is quite plain that the tendencies of very well for 59 years with the disagreement rela- which, by the terms of the treaty are indispen- Great Britain to the exclusive dominion of the seas tive to the boundary, for 5 or 6 years on the Caro-sable for the search being carried into execution; have give a new energy that the numberless points line affair, and that it is not seen why, after having so that this right is about to fall of itself for want of sympathy which have existed for a long time be- . waited so long, they could not wait for some years of renewal of the authorities which have permitted tween France and North America. But our counmore, instead of making a termination thus hastily, its exercise. It is generally believed that this will try is so directly interested in the question as it conprecipitately, and on conditions, which this power be the only abolition of the treaties of 1831, 33, and cerns hereafter its marine and commerce that there had never hitherto been willing to accept. No; it 1841. It will be a tacit abrogation. As to their for- has no foreign cause been wanting in order for it to is not reasonable to admit that England has yielded mal denouncement, the ministry is not thought to be understand how much its own interests were menwithout compensation. But what is this compensa- bold enough to make it. aced by the conclusion of the treaty for the right of tion? If we be not deceived it is this; England has search. sacrificed every thing for one object-viz: to isolate France from all her present or eventual allies; and this object she has attained.

RIGHT OF SEARCH.

The pamphlet published by General Cass on the subject of the right of search, has provoked a reply from the English government; we have it not in our possession, but its character is discussed in the French papers and the extracts we give from them will evince its tenor and the validity of the arguments employed by the English publicist.

From the Courier Francais.

Examine her policy for twelve years. Immediately after the revolution of July she places herself resolutely between Europe and the new government; she prevents a war, detaching thus the several people of Europe from France without reconciling France with the several governments. Ten years afterwards by the constant success of the counter revolution, the French government seems to be ap proaching the governments of Europe; England provokes and signs the treaty of the 15th July; all the factitious ties formed with so much labor are broken There was at that period at the other extreme of the Mediterranean, a young power well disposed to us, and in possession of a considerable marine; England crushes that power. At last comes the question of search; and here observe well the at- lishman." titude of England. At first, she hopes to subjugate From this title it is seen that the English author us; she makes no attempt upon the U. States. The not only treats of the right of search of vessels engatreaty is signed by M. Guizot, and England is attain-ged in the slave trade on the western coast of Africa ing the final result of her long efforts. She turns but that other questions also engage his attention and then towards the United States; but it is to menace that there are between England and America old acthem, to force them to succomb before the quintuple counts to be settled, old grudges still subsisting and alliance of the great powers of Europe.

anew.

From the Siecle.

The principles of the two governments (English and American have remained irreconcileable upon the question of the right of search, and there has just appeared at London, a writing which would prove if necessary the impossibility of a conciliation. The author who signs himself "An Englishman," is no less, we are told, than one of the legal advisers of A reply to the pamphlet attributed to General Cass the crown. We would willingly give credit to this, was without doub: due from the English government. notwithstanding the poverty of his argumentation, It has therefore just made its appearance at London for wise as a man may be, it is not granted to him to in both English and French with the following title: find good reasons for a cause where none are to be "Reply to the examination of the right of search by had. No one is ignorant that the Americans, whose an American, with some observations on some of the slave population is numerous, are interested for the questions in controversy between Great Britain and suppression of the trade; no one has ever reproached the United States and on certain pretensions advanc-them with practising the slave trade on their own aced by the government of North America; by an Eng-count. Lord Palmerston has merely pretended that their flag might cover this infamous traffic, and he has demanded the right of assuring himself of the sincerity of the flag by denouncing to the U. States those who are engaged in it if, by chance any should be met with under the flag of the union. Well, this English author we are speaking of, enters into a long course of argument to show that Americans posold interests, which return to the tapis. The recri- sessing slaves, have necessarily false ideas upon the Suddenly however the scene changes! this odious minations right or wrong addressed by the English to subject of the trade in them. The rest of the reply, treaty which M. Guizot has signed, the chambers the American author do not prevent the right of for it is a reply to the pamphlet attributed to Gen. refuse absolutely to ratify. It is then that England, search humane perhaps in its principle from becom- Cass is of the same force or rather of the same sinwith skillful promptitude resolves upon those sacri- ing vexatious and tyrannical in its application. The cerity, the author having too many lights not to see fices which her pride had been unwilling up to that English author, a man versed in questions of the the errors that he advances. For example, is it period to endure. Lord Ashburton is designated as law of nations, assimilates the slave trade to piracy possible to believe in the validity of an argument the negotiator, and by the choice alone, England an- and pretends that the right of visit or of search ex- such as this, though it be advanced in a despatch of nounces to the United States that her wish for ne-ercised in all time by the vessels of war of every na- the foreign office: The trade being declared piracy gotiating is serious and that she wishes to make a tion for the repression of pirates may be applied to by an act of the powers creating a new law of nadefinitive settlement. Yes, such has been beyond the abolition of the slave trade: that it is but an exdoubt, in the whole of this affair, the secret policy of our rivals. By the refusal of ratification, we became the allies of the United States. If England attacked us, we had probably a formidable ally. In signing the treaty of the 9th August ult.. England has taken from us this ally, she has isolated us and we find ourselves now alone in presence of her and her allies, reduced to our own strength.

We are henceforth alone in actively sustaining a principle which England wishes at every cost to efface from the international code; she has every where created enemies for us, every where taken away our allies, and if we persist in refusing to commit to her the police of the seas and thereby the means of building up forever her maritime supremacy, we may be sure, that she will not be slow in attacking us.

tension given to a natural right sanctioned by the
mutual accord of all maritime nations, for the com-
mon interests of humanity and from which no single
power can restrict itself merely because it may be
pleased in its own individual interest to refuse to as-
sociate itself in the acknowledgment of such a right.
This manner of enlarging questions in order to ar-
rive at an object proposed, presents a mode of ar-
gumentation, which the Americans will be at no dif-
ficulty in refusing. It is sufficient in fact, by forcing
a little the consequences of a like principle, to show
that all navigation and all maritime commerce ought
to be at the mercy of the strongest.

tions, how refuse to a vessel of these powers the right of searching any vessel whatever, to ascertain whether it is not in the act of piracy?" The law of nations only has value inasmuch as it is the expression of the general sentiment of their people. But this sentiment never has permitted, nor ever will, all the vessels of the world to be placed under a dishonorable suspicion and to deliver them thus to the mercy of the strongest. On the whole, although we have but little confidence in the party which at present wields power in the United States, we persist in believing that England will not attain the object she has in view, in covering her pretensions to maritime supremacy with the pretext of a grand interest of humanity.

6

Pursuing his thesis the English author endeavors to prove against the American author, that from the moment that there shall exist a mutual accord be. From the Parisian correspondent of the National Inteltween all maritime nations for the suppression of the ligencer, Paris, September 23 1842. From the correspondent of the Courier des Etats Unis. slave trade and slavery, there is little probability The auspicious intelligence of the adoption of the Paris, Oct. 1st, 1842. The conclusion of the trea- that the right of search will become in the hands of treaty at Washington was received on the 16th, the ty of peace between the republic of the U. States, one of them, an instrument of despotism, of mari- date of my last communication, but we lacked the and England has caused a lively sensation in Europe. time preponderance, or of surveillance; he maintains details, so that no comments were issued until the Impressions in respect to its details have been diffe- that on no occasion have the officers of the English 18th by the Paris editors. For those who wished and rent, but altogether the treaty is considered as a con- marine failed in the examination of a suspected ves- had predicted a very different issue to Lord Ashbur cession on the part of England. The question of sel, to observe the courtesy, forms, and precautions ton's mission it was a sore disappointment; No Amethe boundary interests Europe but little, the clause becoming to their arduous but important functions. rican war, after all!" The settlement of the Maine for the reciprocal delivery of fugitive criminals "The orders," says he, "which emanate from the boundary question appeared important only as it afseems to be founded upon sound notions of mora- English admiralty and the different chiefs in com- fected the peace of the world; the text relating to the lity and international policy: but what above all mand are expressed with an at least sufficient strict- suppression of the slave trade possessed immediate concerns France is the solution given to the question ness, and if some of the officers neglect the execu- interest for all the French politicians; because, notof the right of search. This solution has been con- tion of the same they would be promptly removed withstanding the two conventions of France of 1831 sidered as the only one wise, the only one reasonable, and displaced by others." We know not what is pass- and 1833 with Great Britain, the opposition insists that the only one suitable, between the great maritime ing on in respect to foreign vessels visited by Eng- the point of reciprocal visit is still open according to powers, the only one which accords what is due to ligh cruisers, we will not recall the fact that with American example. The Journal des Debats at first a moral principle, the abolition of the trade in the American vessels search has often been but the pre- thought the text obscure; the next day, it was of blacks, and to the political principle of the personal text for exercising impressment, but we know from opinion that there is nothing in the treaty to confirm independence of every nation, a principle which is the detail of accumulated facts, that but recently, the report of the preceding week viz: an admission the sine qua non condition of the existence even of a captains of our merchant marine have been insulted, of the right of search by the United States. La nation. We go still farther in France; the re- their crews brutally treated, the vessels rummaged, Presse (also Ministerial) found a studied ambiguity;" gulation of this point of international law between Eng- and the papers on board scattered; registers have its interpretation was, that England would yield noland and the United States is to be considered as the been examined, cargoes turned about, and many thing; America grant nothing: that nothing more precedent upon which this question will have regulat- things clandestinely taken. Have we ever learned was stipulated than the presence of a squadron of ed between all civilized states. The right of search that those guilty of those misdeeds have been pun- each nation on the African coast; yet La Presse arsuch as it was established in 1831 and 33 between ished by the severity of the English admiralty? gued that if England voluntarily abstained from France and England, and in 1841, between the prin This pamphlet is by no mean a factum against cipal European powers, is universally considered as France; nevertheless, the English writer pretends abrogated by the effect of the Anglo-American trea- that in the accounts, given by the Parisian press, of ty. In France, at least, it is regarded impossible for the writing of the American author, "that France any ministry ever to accept the right of search. has allowed herself to be carried away by a gross

boarding American vessels on account of it, this was a virtual abrogation of the French conventions above mentioned, since she admitted the possibility of suppressing the slave trade by means of distinct squaddrons exercising a separate police over their respec

tive flags. The Constitutionnel, generally so intelli-
gent, was at a loss.
The Radical and Legitimist journals chimed with
those of the dynastic opposition in the doctrine that
the waving or suspension by the British of the claim
of search in the treaty with the United States, gave
a right to the French government not merely to with-
hold all ratification of the Quintuple treaty, but to
abolish every convention on the subject. Le Consti-
tutionnel, in a second article, treats the latter treaty
as annulled by the American, and insists that the
conventions should be at once revised in the sense
in which the stipulations between Lord Ashburton
and Mr. Webster shall be received. Le Commerce
says:

Party spirit, as you see, at once seized on those stipulations to annoy and involve the Guizot cabinet; whatever sense and compass may be allowed to them the cabinet cannot abrogate the conventions, nor will it venture to ratify the Quintuple treaty on any grounds.

upon the turbulent inhabitants of Maine, without repels the charge of sympathy with that trade, by
in the slighest degree augmenting the military power which so many of the European writers and orators
of any enemy. The advantages gained are obvious. have interpreted American repugnance and resistance
Every country must be enriched by the most free to the British claim of visit in whatever form pro-
navigation of its waters to the commerce of all, and pounded. In addition to the Morning Chronicle's
if from natural circumstances we possess the power sweeping vituperation of Lord Ashburton's views and
of closing those waters at any moment when injured feelings, I find that the other whig organ, the Globe,
or offended, our power over those to whom their use (21st inst.) abjures even the slight favor with which
is indispensable is much augmented. In proportion it first viewed the case; declares the boundary-ar-
as the navigation of the St. John's shall become ne- rangement to be, for Great Britain, "an utter fail-
cessary to the people of Maine will be their indis-ure"-"a surrender to America of advantages for
position to quarrel with those who must continue to which an equivalent is in vain looked for in the trea-
hold the key of the river."
ty itself, and in any collateral act of her legislature
and executive." The Globe continues: "No wonder
that the Americans have feasted Lord Ashburton,
that he has become their idol," &c. On the 21st the
Chronicle returned to the onslaught, and, spurning

I have heretofore designated to you the London Spectator as an acute, reasonable, and independent "England has yielded to her American rivals, quite paper, friendly, but not servile to the Peel adminissatisfied and happy with saving appearances which tration and system. Its column of remarks, (18th every one can see through. Why is the honor re-instant), on the treaty conforms to its general cha- the idea of peace on such terms as those conceded by served to the United States of showing how the pre- racter. It represents fairly the positions and dis- Lord Ashburton dashes forward in this strain: tensions of England may be resisted? Is not France positions in which the two governments commenced "Look at the first effect of Lord Ashburton's 'conas great and as strong? Does she hold a lower rank and pursued the negotiation, and the nature and ten-cessions,' as illustrated in the haughty tone of the amongst nations? Since the revolution of July, how- dencies of the mutual concessions. "The unknown French newspapers. The first fruit of your truckever, the English policy weighs us down, and turns quantity of land ceded by lord Ashburton could not ling to America is that you must make the same deus to its own advantage! The right of search, which have paid for the shortest conceivable war between grading ho-too to France. You have given a color to the Americans have just rejected, was accepted by the two countries: in future negotiations, it may serve the refusal of France to ratify the treaty, the negotiaus after the public insult was received by the signa- England to have given proof that she is willing to tion of which had all but plunged the two countries ture of July 15. Whence arises this difference be- waive demands on the score of material value." The into war." tween the two countries. In two words it may be Spectator thinks that if England had conceded most The Times of the same date interposes in behalf stated to be that the American cabinet depends on its in respect of mere material interests, it is not to of the concessions, excusing them on the plea of a pastrength at home against foreign powers, and the such an extent as to be felt injuriously; and that per-ramount peace policy-absolute necessity. I must French cabinet needs foreign assistance to resist haps the most important fact and advantage of all is, presume that the lament and imprecations over the what it finds at home." "the excellent feeling towards England in her power- treaty cannot be just in both countries; I may surful ally which the special mission has restored." I mise that the party censors are in both a little wrong. shall venture upon a longer quotation, forming the extravagant, implacable. The London Times says: philosophy of the case: "On the whole, the termination of the affair is one for which we have reason to be grateful to the government. A speedy settlement was necessary. By war or by sacrifice, the settlement must have been purchased. Whatever sacrifice may have been made, it is less than the value of that (we hope lasting) quiet which it has purchased." An American abroad is disposed to use the same language, referring to the agency of the American executive and senate. Peace at all or any price may be called spurious or extreme doctrine; but peace, without dishonor or eventual loss, is moral law and common sense. long editorial commentary on the 8th article of the treaty. It exults that the British editors are obliged to acknowledge that the American government has not sacrificed right or dignity in the matter of search; it insists that England must put France on the same footing as the Americans. The Charivari has seen stanzas on the same subject directed against M. GuiThe burden of the humorous song is that President Tyler gets every thing from Sir Robert Peel, and M. Guizot nothing. and that Sir Robert means to make the French cabinet pay for Tyler's extortions, though the British concessions to Maine would authorise a peremptory demand of the immediate recognition of French dominion over Algeria.

"No treaty can prevent future disputes if nations
be in future inclined to dispute. The use and the
only capacity of treaties is to set forth the mature
and concurrent intentions of the contracting nations
at any one time, as a chart for the guidance of the
executive government in each country; they cannot
bind either party to perpetual observance of the con-
tract, because there is no superior jurisdiction to
enforce fulfilment. As soon as the circumstances or
intentions of contracting parties alter, the treaty
becomes waste paper; and then each party must rely
on what remains of mutual friendliness, and on its
own strength, to support its own intentions in a new
conventicn-a fresh treaty or a war being the al-
ternative. The worse alternative is rendered the
less likely, not by rigid stipulations which cannot be
enforced, but by every thing which promotes kindly
feelings and free neighborly intercourse. Clear and
definite terms in minor details may undoubtedly pre-zot.
vent differences, but it is of far more importance to
place the several parties to the Largian in such a
frame of mind that they do not desire to differ; and
when the change is made from eagerness for violent
extremities to that happy temper, the highest office
of diplomacy is fulfilled."

With regard to your new tariff, all the Paris press
is disappointed, and would be more vexed if the mea-
sure did not seem to them more injurious for the
British than the French export trade. I have hereto
fore quoted to you the French hopes and predictions
which the final action of congress has not confirmed.
Inconsistsucy on the tariff subject is universal. As
lately as the 13th instant, Le Constitutionnel observed:
"Our main branches of manufacture should be vigi-
lantly and strenuously protected against all foreign
competition." The consolation of the London press
lies in the idea that your tariff bill is a bad one in
itself a fiscal expedient which a short time will
prove to be abortive. "It is some solace," says the
Times, that, from the present aspect of affairs in
America, there appears every probability that the
new scheme will not be of long duration. The new
apportionment of the population, according to the
last census, will, it is expected, give such additional
weight to the agricultural interests of the Union,
that the next congress, which will be elected on the
new arrangement, will certainly not allow a high
tariff to remain." All the adversaries of the corn I would cordially respond to the final sentiment.
laws are aroused to fresh exertion by the persuasion | Abstracting the considerations of common origin,
that a repeal or essential modification of them in fa- language, laws, fundamentals in political and social
vor of American grain would rally in the U. States economy, and the principles and precepts of a com-
an overwhelming force against any restrictive sys-mon Christianity-sheer wordly wisdom dictates that
tem. I refer you to a remarkable article of the the two mighty nations, who can or must do each
London Morning Chronicle, contained in my roll. other the most harm in war, and the greatest good in
The commercial paragraphist of that paper gives you peace, should sedulously cultivate mutual kindness
in the same number, information rather too proba- and deference, and constantly endeavor to live in the
ble. He says:
broadest and closest amity. The American journals,
in which ingenuity to detect weak points or "pick
holes" in the treaty, with reference to American
claims and interests, may be exercised, have not yet
fallen into my hands. Čomposed as the senate is,
the majority in that well-informed and perspicacious
assembly by which it was accepted would alone per-
suade me of its thorough acceptableness. Surely the
settlement of the boundary question defies the most
captious scrutiny. On the other heads, what has not
The Whig Globe and the ultra Tory Post were been obtained from Great Britain could not have
far, at the outset, from indulging a spirit of rancor been wrung nor expected. The Spectator suggests
and exaggeration to be compared with that of the that, touching the suppression of the slave trade, the
Chronicle. They deemed "the concessions made by United States, in the eighth article, have made a
Jord Ashburton important;" they could see "nothing friendly advance where England only maintained her
to boast of in the stipulations so far as regarded old position. The text of the eighth article strikes
England," but they would acknowledge that "peace me as implying, necessarily, the suspension for the
was most desirable, if not indispensable in the cir-
cumstances of the two powers, whatever might be
the price paid for the guarantee of it," and they
would be glad when the treaty received the sanction
of the British as well as the American government.
The Standard, (a Peel or ministerial paper), con-
tended that the free navigation of the St. John's
must prove of unqualified advantage to British in-
terests. Its views are as follows:

Until American credit be cleansed from the sin of repudiation, and her currency placed upon a specie basis, the mere passing of the tariff bill and giving authority to issue millions of treasury notes will do little towards the restoration of American credit in the European money market."

I have selected for my printed budget several elaborate London articles on the treaty. Those of the Times and the Chronicle are the most important.

La Presse has a second

Paris, October 15, 1842. Two of the editorial columns of the London Morning Chronicle of the 11th instant are occupied by an attempted refutation of Mr. Featherstonhaugh's speech on the Ashburton treaty. It is described as "an official exposition made by a government organ of what the government considers the merits of the treaty, and an official reply to the many attacks on that instrument." The Chronicle contends that the statements of the orator are not borne out by the text of the treaty, nor in accordance with the tenor of his own report. Mr. Featherstonhaugh's assertion that the disputed territory has been divided into two equal moieties, and that Great Britain has retained that moiety which secures to her every object which was essential to the security of her colonies, is particularly controverted. According to the Chronicle, "the truth is that Great Britain, in virtue of her right, has literally retained nothing of the disputed territory,and the small portion vouchsafed to her is intrinsically worthless, besides affording no security." The only ground for the official character ascribed to the speech appears to be the orator's allegation that he enjoys the confidence of the present British ministry as well as the last. The Chronicle proceeds thus: five years of Lord Aberdeen's instructions to British "Mr. Featherstonbaugh says that what we have cruisers to board vessels under the American flag, ceded to the United States south of the St. John never suspected to be slavers. The stipulation to maintain was, and we suppose he means, never could be, of an adequate American squadron on the American any importance to Great Britain. Does he think coast "to enforce, separately and respectively, the that it would be of no importance to Great Britain if laws, rights, and obligations of the two countries," a good railroad communication could be established bears as its correlative such suspension or abstinence on British territory between New Brunswick and from visit by one of the other's flag, except by recip- Canada?-and does he not know that a line for that rocal consent, in particular cases or exigencies. It purpose was surveyed through the disputed territory "In liberating the navigation of the St. John's was eminently desirable that the American national south of the St. John?-that that railroad was to have river, Great Britain has, in the first place, consult-councils should furnish proof-as they do in that sti- united St. Andrews and Quebec?-that the further éd the commercial interests of her own provinces pulation-of their heartiness in the common cause proceedings in regard to it were stopped because the adjacent to that river; in the second, she has obtain- to suppress the slave trade. This accords with the territory was in dispute?-and that the ground over ed a hold of interest in the preservation of peace, uniform professions of the slaveholding states, and which that railway would have run is now to become

tory?"

part of the State of Maine instead of British terri- the treaty and the correspondence has been execut- cause the southern states to be more and more dised and published. The writer had distinguished contented with this tariff; we must seek cotton in The Paris paper La Commerce pretends to have re- himself, if at all, only on geographical and mercan- Brazil: by a proper convention with that country, ceived from Washington information of a circular tile themes. His present essay is the most intelli- we may amply compensate ourselves for the loss from your department of state to the diplomatic corps gent, broad, and impartial hitherto furnished by which the absurd final act of the American congress wherein your government declares that the United either the French or English press on the subject. is likely to inflict upon us." The Prince de JoinStates will never concede a right of visit, or search, He traces the history of the boundary question; ana-ville will touch at Rio, and an Austrian Archduke to any foreign nation whatever, but will inflexibly lyses and criticises the correspondence, including the has gone, or will soon go thither. Report makes maintain the honor and independence of their flag, communications of the commissioners of Maine and them rival suitors for the hand of the sister of the though always earnest to lend all possible aid to the Massachusetts, and decides respecting merits and emperor of Brazil. suppression of the execrable slave trade. The Na- demerits in a way to convince the reader of the sin- Correspondence mentions-what, I doubt not, is tional has discussed your treaty more deeply and ac- cerity at least of his judgments. He thinks that true-that Mr. Wheaton was indefatigably urgent utely than any other French journal. It recurred Lord Ashburton was too direct, frank, and pliable; with the congress at Stutgard, in behalf of Ameyesterday to its main topics. It is the first bad treaty that he put himself at once in the power of the rican rice and tobacco. That congress has conceded on the face of it, made by England since the era of American array of negotiators by showing his cards, nothing to the British solicitations for modifications the Stuarts: British claims and pride wholly sacrific- his whole game, at the very outset. He finds all the of the league's tariff. The body will publish, ere ed: there was, however, no absolute necessity for the diplomatic finesse, artifice, resolution, and manage-long, a digest of its discussions and measures. Long sudden conclusion with reference to American de- ment on the American side. Mr. Webster's notes, since a committee of the ablest Italian jurists was signs or means of aggression: what, then, the expla- he says, were less directed to his lordship's ideas and appointed at Rome to revise all the penal processes nation of all this complaisance, compliance, and eager aims than to American opinion, to his own popular and laws. The result is a new code, conformable to reconcilement? Why, the Quintuple Treaty had be-responsibility: the one felt and wrote as a real pleni- the spirit and progress of the age, and creditable to come hopeless as against the United States by the potentiary and a commissary of pacification; the other the wisdom and liberality of the holy see. All the pri refusal of France to exchange ratifications. This re- as an attorney and champion, acting for particular vileges and immunities of the higher classes, all ineapproximated the two countries politically; it might states not less than for the national gain, and with an qualities before the law, are abolished; every one induce a close maritime alliance; the British supre- eye to the political and personal consideration or dis accused is to be tried by his "natural judges;" ecclemacy on the ocean would be more seriously threaten- repute which would result to himself according to siastical tribunals remain, but only for the clergy ed. No time was to be lost in removing these evils; the nature and issue of his dealing in the case. Mr. and for offences strictly clerical. the United States must be propitiated and France iso- Lemoinne deems it indisputable that the U. States The correspondence between Mr. Webster and lated. This scheme lies at the bottom of the treaty of have the best of the bargain, and that England pays Lord Ashburton, now extant in most of the London concession. England has acted towards France, in dear for the pacification; but he acknowledges this papers, proves a rich theme of additional obloquy order to weaken and crush her, as Louis XIV. did to be a very important result for her European and on his lordship and the treaty: the charges and epitowards Holland two centuries ago: England foresees Oriental concerns. He speaks of American extor- thets employed by the Morning Chronicle and the that there must be, ere long, a death struggle be- tion on the boundary topic; the more was freely of- Herald would suit the very worst case of diplomatic tween her oligarchy and French democracy. Such fered, the more was roundly asked. He regards the imbecility and treachery to be found in all history. is the strain of the Republican oracle. The ideas of navigation of the St. John's as the most dangerous A correspondent of the Chronicle says: "The treaty, the National are not mine. Doubtless all the royal of the British concessions, and the transfer of the that ignominous and destructive document-the capiand aristocratic interests-I might add all the foreign Madawaska settlers as the least excusable. There tulation as you rightly term it cannot possibly be national and industrial, and all the domestic indus- is French sympathy is this notion. The notes of the lasting. England may, and she has, put up with a trial interests-apprehend an outbreak, soon or late, Massachusetts and Maine commissioners are severe- disadvantageous arrangement, but to a dishonorable of the democracy, or rather the revolutionary of ly handled by the Paris critic. He calls them won- paction she has never consented and will never subFrance, and the monarchical councils study to be ders of mauvais ton, mauvaise langage, and fanfaro- mit." This vilification and bluster will continue, prepared. But certainly these do not wish to pro- nade. Their "great airs," ungracious remarks, pro- but the British people, and the American, must ultivoke it,though they believe that it would be suicidal. digious conceit, forms, he adds, a strong contrast mately rejoice in the settlement at Washington. All of them prefer the stability of the present French with the dignified moderation and conciliatory strain Lord Ashburton's communications-congenial I preinstitutions and universal peace in Christendom, to of the British envoy. The final paragraph of the sume with the sentiments and views of sir Robert any violent extinction of what they consider as the Maine commissioners is specially the matter of his Peel-have filled me with esteem for the negotiator, worst element of disturbance and danger. Europe ridicule. He reasons and pronounces against Mr. and greatly increased my original trust in the sincenever possessed at the same time so many capable Webster's doctrines and conclusions in the cases of rity of his whole mission. We had, yesterday afterand enlightened sovereigns as now: those of France, the Caroline and the Creole, and admires "the just noon, the overland mail from India. We may infer Russia, Prussia, Sweden, Holland are statesmen of firmness" of Great Britain with regard to the prin- from the complexion of the several accounts that the the first order. The Kings of Belgium, Denmark, ciples involved in the latter. But the Americans, armies beyond the Indus would advance upon Cabul, Saxony, Wirtemberg, Bavaria, Sardinia, Naples, if with this writer, are absolutely right about impress- On the 18th May the British captured Chapoo, which not so distinguished, look and act in the same direc-ment; the British claim is arrogant, unfounded, and is styled "the celebrated city, and mart of the Chition. They all understand that they fortify their inadmissible; the spirit, cogency, and peremptori- nese trade with Japan." The British expedition thrones and consult their immediate quiet and secu-ness of the American government here, deserve all was fully assembled in the Chinese seas-110 vessels, rity by making the essential and general welfare of praise. With respect to the eighth article of the 16,400 troops-destined to the north of the empire. their subjects their proper and zealous business, and treaty, it certainly, he thinks, does not concede a We shall hear of great doings. preserving liberal and amicable relations between right of visit; the parties are to exercise, severally, themselves, The personal vices and excesses of roy- their maritime police and anti-slave trade laws. On alty which fatally influenced the moral and physical the whole, Mr. Lemoinne supposes that a treaty weal of the nations in former centuries have disap- which has left much unadjusted of perilous import, peared, and would be impossible, without utter ruin will tend to weaken rather than to revive or mainor extreme risk, if as directly or openly practised. We tain sentiments of concord and amity between the must ascribe this single reform and intellectual su- two countries. I think him egregiously wrong on periority of the crowned heads not to accident or im- this head, and mistaken on some others. My purproved education alone, but to the character and ten- pose is merely to report what has come from dencies of the age-to the advances and the fear of French pen in the most methodical, elaborate, and democracy Metternich is the real ruler of Austria. authoritative way. The questions of the Creole and and Peel of Great Britaiu; policy, domestic and na-remote impressment wear a softer and more encourtional, is not less judicious, discerning, and elevated aging aspect from Lord Ashburton's acknowledgin them; and so with the Regent of Spain. The ments in regard to equity and danger. Perpetual alAustrian sway in Italy has become a beneficent, salu-legiance will, ere very long, be put on the same tary administration, whatever its principles and con- shelf with divine right of kings and passive obeduct with regard to mere political freedom. You dience of people. England may and will abstain, have seen that the Papal See has issued a criminal code meliorated to the best standard, and which destroys every vestige of the feudal immunities and severities that prevailed over Europe a few generations back, to the shame of human nature and law. DiParis, October 7, 1842. plomatic communication of every kind and object has Some of the newspaper oracles inform us that grown, I doubt not, into comparative frankness and Louis Philippe is busy and eager with projects of a honesty. The most secret discussion transpires; the triangular commercial league or customs unionnotes and protocols find their way into the journals; France and Belgium with the Zollverein, and of a public opinion impends over every diplomatic agent close political approximation to Russia. The main and transaction. Whoever reads the general histo- obstacle to any comprehensive continental alliance ries of the old regime, and such works as that of for France is the general distrust, beyond all the Flassan with some knowledge of the real concerns, French frontiers, of the stability of the present ordispositions, and lights of the governments of our day, der of things. Mr. de Langsdorf, the minister pleniwill conclude that though much of dissension, intri- potentiary to Brazil, has just sailed from Toulon, gue, and obliquity may remain in inter-Cabinet rela- and will arrive at Rio about the same time as Mr. tions, there is considerably less of intricateness, diver- Ellis, the British envoy extraordinary, whose objects gence, simulation, occultness, trick, corruption, ma- are a commercial treaty and new arrangements for lignant passion and purpose, than continued until the the suppression of the slave trade. To this object downfall of Napoleon. the French minister will lend his aid; to the former, oppose every consideration he can bring to bear upon the understandings and feelings of the Brazilians. He has, himself to propose favorable terms for the Brazil cotton trade with France, provided the same can be obtained for French wines. Le Siecle of the 4th inst. complaining of your tariff, says: "We must

The number of La Revue des Deux Mondes issued this day contains an article signed John Lemoinne, of twenty-three close pages, on the new treaty between the United States and England. I have perused it with interest, and some surprise at the despatch with which so comprehensive and particular a survey of

a

From the Augburg Gazelle. are more and more in accordance with that of the "Touching the right of visit, opinions in France United States. General Cass and Mr. Everett have had a conference with Count St. Aulaire, under the sanction of M. Guizot, and the outlines of a new treaty for the suppression of the slave trade have by this time, probably, been communicated to the British government as a substitute for the conventions of 1831 and 1833, and the unratified treaty of 1841." From the New York Courier des Etats Unis, Nov. 4th.

The course of the policy of the British government has been amending for soine time past. Is it from good faith? or from necessity? If the devil makes himself a hermit, is it because he is becomconformably to her ideas of prudence, from searching old? We would rather believe it is that he and impressment, when the occasion shall offer. is becoming more enlightened. The Times, the orSufficient for the year is the good thereof.

--

gan of the tory party which has hitherto been distinguished for its political and religious fanaticism, has suddenly assumed a remarkable degree of tolerance. It avows that the British pretensions for impressment of sailors that is, to search and seize in foreign vessels seamen supposed to be Englishmen by birth, are hard to be justified, and even almost invites the government to renounce them. "The right is doubtful," it says, "and the inconveniences of its execution are certain. It is not necessary to recruit the British forces by such means. Consequently, it would be possible to accede to a declaration to that effect, and to renounce a practice which it is not intended to revive." The Globe and other whig jour nals approve of this declaration which is as important as it is unexpected.

From the London Times.

The despatch in which Mr. Webster concluded his late correspondence with Lord Ashburton, and communicated to the British envoy the views of the American government on the subject of the impressment of British seamen from American merchant

vessels, has given rise to very absurd inferences on