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mined to vote to him an annuity of 5,000l., which

"Mr. Calhoun is certainly well known to the counhad ever since been paid; but the court of proprietors try as one of its most eminent citizens, and we doubt believe that the noble marquis derived very little not that his claims are highly appreciated:" benefit from the grant; and under these circumstan- That's original any how. It will be news to a great ces, it was resolved that the sum of 20,000l. be plac-many people in these diggings; but we won't venture ed in the hands of the chairman, and deputy-chair- to say 'tisn't true.

"retiracy?" Does he mean that he declines uncommitted, or that he does not decline at all, but will bide his time for a dash in the last quarter's stretch of the fourth mile? Does "the Captain" hold on for another four years' cruise? As an inducement to it to answer us' without reand all hands of the democracy will behave under such manner as they may think fit. This grant was That's another new idea certainly; but very cor- the captain. This boatswain's whistle is not needed accepted, and acknowledged by his lordship in a let-rect for aught we can say to the contrary. For in- to call us to our posts. We can't be more on board Jer addressed to the chairman. The marquis enjoy-stance, there's Mr. Van Buren, Mr. Silas Wright, than we are in the good republican ship. We are ed a pension of 2,6931., as chief remembrancer of Mr. Woodbury, Mr. Buchanan, Gov. Troup, John glad that the veto has sawed off the Clay figure head, the exchequer in Ireland. Q. Adams, Henry Clay, Gen. Jackson, Mr. Ritchie, on which Horseshoe Kennedy is floating about to He was politically opposed to his brother the duke J. Fennimore Cooper, Washington Irving, Bishop sink the constitution. We shall aid heartily in any of Wellington; but that circumstance did not inter- Johns, Dr. Mott, and Mr. Preserved Fish. Have we honest efforts to keep the vessel on the republican rupt their brotherly friendship, and the duke was a left out any body you would have us name? If so, track, and out of the baffling whig trade winds, to frequent visiter at Kingston house. out with him Jacky! the end of the present cruise; but we must be ex"Every good and true republican should undoubted-cused for engaging for another cruise, under a caply deprecate a convention at too early a period." tain who is so incessantly trimming his sails that they are never in trim; who wears a Spencer of changeable silk instead of a uniform coat-keeps a tariff extortioner as purser, and an original coon of 1812 at the helm of state; has lost his reckoning among the banks, steered almost into the very jaws of a monster, and finally having run the ship upon the rock of distribution, has carried away his free trade rudder in getting off.

man, and two other persons, as trustees, to be applied "So also are the claims of other distinguished citi-serve, we will tell the Madisonian at once how we for the use and benefit of the marquis Wellesley in zens."

The queen and prince Albert have sent a message of condolence, and the queen Dowager a letter, to the marchioness of Wellesley.

PRESIDENTIAL.

MR. CASS. The New York Herald of the 28th November contains the proceedings, and hails the nomination of general Cass, by the convention which lately assembled at Harrisburg, as "a new and very important political movement." "A series of state elections have just passed away, indicating most conclusively that none of the present candidates before the country for the presidency in 1844, possesses the elements of general popularity sufficient to call forth the enthusiasm or the votes of the people. There are in the United States 4,000,000 of free white people over 21 years of age. In the recent elections in which the names of Clay and Van Buren were mostly used, less than 2,000,000 votes have been taken, and only about a majority of 50,000 obtained in the whole. It is very evident that some new movement -some new name-some new effort, must be made to bring out the votes of the people. Neither Mr. Clay, Mr. Van Buren, Mr. Calhoun, nor Mr. Tyler, nor any other man seems to possess those elements of popularity-but the movement now first made in Pennsylvania looks more like the real spirit of the people than anything we have seen of late. In that state, and in that way, did the name of Jackson and Harrison come up, and carry all before them."

The Herald goes on to speak of the merits of the new candidate, and arrives at this conclusion,-"In short he is the very man that could, with proper attention and effort, be carried into the presidency with a universal shout of acclamation." He admits that in the congress about to meet, Cass will not have a single member in his favor; but that he considers a fortunate circumstance-the various cliques there will, he predicts, only disgrace themselves and do nothing. "Let the movement then for general Cass go ahead-call public meetings in every town and County of the state and the union. Go ahead, boys. One hundred thousand copies of this day's Herald will be published and sent all over the union to begin the great and popular movement. Hurra!"

NOMINATION. A late number of the Madisonian contains a communication, in which JOHN TYLER is nominated for re-election, and governor PORTER, of Pennsylvania, for vice-president.

Of course! Take your time Miss Lucy, and cook the pap. "Too early" would be before the right time, which will be after a period which would be the wrong one from being too soon. An early convention may be a thing to be deprecated-and a fortiori a too early one must be so.

Q. E. D.

"It might seem like jockeyship-and they who attended it would be looked upon as jockies "booted and spurred to ride over public sentiment."

Rather hard riding that: almost as hard as hitching on the fence or riding on a rail. Botts tried it and got horribly galled for his pains, if 'ultraism' or heading the Captain, is what you are afraid of.

"It is most assuredly the duty of every patriot to look first to measures, for the relief of the country."

Measurably true, but rather stale. "An agonized people crying for relief" was what you and the Intelligencer and Clay and the rest of the 'patriots used to say before "Tyler too," had command of the metal for stereotyping patriotic opinions. But "measures not men," is an excellent maxim, and some measures are certainly very fishy. There's land distribution and the exchequer affair for instance. What think you of them?

MR. VAN BUREN. A large meeting of the friends of this gentleman was held in Philadelphia on Thursday evening, at which resolutions were adopted urging his nominaiion for the presidency, and recommending the holding of a national convention in the autumn of 1843.

MR. CALHOUN AND MR. VAN BUREN. The Alabama Tribune, the organ of Mr. Calhoun in that state, is very much opposed to the nomination of Mr. Van Buren for the next presidential term. Mr. V.. B. having had one term and the nomination for a second term, the Alabama Tribune treats a third nomination as wholly beyond reason and usage, and as an infringment upon the precedent set by Washington. That paper, after professing great sorrow that Mr. V. B. was defeated in 1840, and extolling his previous public services, adds:

"Afterwards the presidency can be thought of."
Now, there's forethought in that: for what is the
"But when for this his friends claim as his due
presidency to measures, or measures to the presiden-
cy, with a man in your situation, that you should pro-another nomination at our hands, we are forced to
vide a place for the latter even as an afterthought? ask, when will there be an end to all this? Suppose
Of course you don't give it and its appurtenances a him our candidate in 1844, and that the same old
thought ever at all at present.
coon' which beat him in 1840 should again be too
"Our motto is, "all hands aboard for the country un-much for him, will he not have the same claim to
der the present captain," and after establishing its pros.
perity, then let the question, as to who shall take the
command for a new cruise, be agitated."

our favor in 1848? And what in the mean time is to be done for the equal merits of Calhoun, Buchanan, Cass, Benton, Wright, Woodbury, and the other worthy sons of whom democracy boasts? After enduring the perils of the fight, shall they be enwreathed with none of the laurels?"

Two of the leading V. B. journals of Michigan have come out for John C. Calhoun, and run up the nullification flag to masthead. [U. S. Gaz.

TRADE AND COMMERCE.

Ah! now we take. Get up all the whig public sen timent in favor of the Captain's black measures, and all the democratic public sentiment in favor of the captain's white measures, and put this and that together, with a cement of moist pap, and pat them gently with a spoon until well amalgamated, and you have a stumbling block for the jockies which no "jockeyship" can "ride over:" Then it will be "too late," to call a convention when the captain shall have been called by acclamation to a second term! AMERICAN PROVISIONS IN ENGLAND. We look upon Have we analyzed your prescription? Have we in- the operation of sir Robert Peel's reduced tariff terpreted your dream? "and behold your sheaves did upon beef, pork, and other such provisions, as altobow unto my sheaf"-Oh! Joseph, son of Jacob, thy gether a God-send to us Americans. His lordship fortune was made, and thy crib filled with the corn had little idea that we should be able to avail of the COL. BENTON NOMINATED. The St. Louis New Era, of Egypt by thy coat of many colors. Thou wast a modification, or he would have taken as much care of Thursday, 18th inst., says: "We learn from the canny hand at a speculation; but we never heard that to provide "a sliding scale" for our meat, as he did to Fayette Times, of Saturday last, that at a great de- thou didst advise thy brethren against getting them restrict the admission of our flour. Whether we mocratic meeting in that place, on Monday previous, new suits that thou mightest get gain out of them by shall be allowed long to enjoy the boon, we shall see. 'col. Benton was formally nominated for the presi- selling old clothes. Naked and ashamed as thou must His lordship will be somewhat at a loss to make his dency in 1844. Governor Reynolds, who had been have felt, after the explosion with Potiphar's wife new professions in favor of "free trade" tally with closeted with Benton at Jefferson for several days, which bereft thee of that other vestment-thou didst an attempt so to modify his tariff so as to prohibit travelled fifty-five miles on horseback for the purpose neither go back to wheedle for it by concessions to the trade now, as it is opened. Whilst the arrival of of being at the meeting, was present when the reso- the evil woman-nor lay claim to the clean linen on our beef and pork has afforded much satisfaction to lution was offered and adopted, and as further evi- every bush where clothes were left to dry! But a the manufacturing population, on account of their dence of the official character of the proceeding, we greater and thriftier than Joseph is here! Democra- greater cheapness than English provisions, it has ocwill mention that Dr. Lowry, the president of our cy is bound to clothe him because he has abandoned casioned some alarm to the land owners and farmers. bank, was the advocate and author of the resolution. his garment to flee from the corrupting allurements Some of the latter have therefore endeavored to proThis move is new to us, needs explanation, contains of dissolute whiggery--and to send him again to the pagate the idea that American beef and pork are not internal evidence of bad faith to Van Buren, but in log cabin to win back his coonskin-so that he bids fit for food. For example, sir John Tyrrell, a memthe end will probably not create a great deal of mis- fair to walk into 1845 with a Ten-brock surplus of

chief."

From the Charleston Mercury, 28th inst.

PAP AND TRIMMINGS.

The official (Madisonian) discourseth in this wise, touching,

"THE PRESIDENCY. The Charleston Mercury, of the 10th inst. intimates its confidence that the rapidly increasing popularity of Mr. Caihoun will supercede the necessity of a national convention to nominate him for the presidency. We need make no comments on the article referred to."

Well you need not; but you will do a useless thing, and so you go on to make comments after a way of your own-First:

warm breeches.

ber of parliament, in a speech made by him at an agricultural dinner, informed the company that American pigs, instead of being fattened on corn, acorns and potatoes, were fed upon MUTTON. The following is given in a Dublin paper, now before us, as an extract from sir John's speech:

But really as it professes a taste for fair racing and no jostling, will the Madisonian speak out like a good boy and tell us what it means by this call of "all hands aboard?" Our respect for the president is loth to believe that his organ talks this infinite deal "He had been intimate with persons who lately of nothing by authority-but if there be any thing came from America, and as in distress it was always authorised which it would fain intimate, let it take pleasant to hear of alleviating circumstances, he heart and try again: and we will do our best to scrape could tell them that except in a very few instances, three grains of wheat out of the two bushels of ora- the American sheep were worth nothing except for cular chaff. Does Mr. Tyler stick to his own praise- fleece and the skin. He would give them another worthy resolution to decline a second term-or is he reason why the pork was unpalatable, and that was still under whig influence and in leading strings to because the pigs preyed upon the sheep. He was not the exploded cabinet who overpersuaded him in the aware of this previously, but he could assure them it matter on the eve of their own absquatulization into was a positive fact."

"The above will afford another hearty laugh, added | berated by the colonial authorities; also, copies of
to the many already enjoyed, at the tenor of many any correspondence which may have taken place on
of the paragraphs which have reached us in British the subject of said slaves, between the minister of
journals, in relation to American beef and pork. the United States at the court of St. James and the
which they all hands appear to be fairly astounded British government.
at receiving. At first the dainty terms in which they
approached those articles;-great doubts were actual-
ly manifested whether they would prove to be eatable
at all-and it seemed to be considered an adventure
to taste them. After exhibiting sundry wry faces in
this process, the startling announcement was finally
made in all the journals, from the most respectable au-
thority, that the American beef and pork, which it
was ascertained could be afforded so much lower
than their own, was actually quite eatable,-nay,
some said the former was almost equal to their own,
"provided it had not been cut up so shamefully!"

The senate, by unanimous consent, proceeded to
consider the said resolution, and agreed thereto.
Ordered, That the secretary lay the said resolution
before the president of the United States.
The president pro tempore informed the senate
that the secretary, having laid before the president
of the United States the resolution passed this day,
requesting the documents and correspondence rela-
tive to the slaves on board the Hermosa, the papers
called for were forthwith delivered to him by the
secretary of state, with a request that, as they were
originals, they might, at a proper time, be returned
to the department.

The senate resumed, as in committee of the whole
the consideration of the treaty with Great Britain;
and, after debate.

On motion by Mr. King,
Ordered, That it be postponed to, and made the or-

This capital objection against our skill in cutting up, was repeated and harped or hacked upon in all manner of form. Dr. Sitgraves never protested more gravely against captain Jack's want of science in cutting down his enemies "secundum artem," than do these same well fed Englishmen at the want of skill in our pork and beef packers. They are not incon-der of the day for to-morrow, at half past 11 o'clock. siderate, however, towards our failing. A late London paper apprises us that so much have they taken the subject at heart, that several Irish carvers of approved skill have been employed, and are now on their way to Canada, to instruct the Americans how to dissect beef and pork, so as to improve the demand for it in the British markets.

FRIDAY, AUGUST 19. The senate resumed, as in committee of the whole, the consideration of the treaty with Great Britain; and, after debate, no amendment having been made, the treaty was reported to the senate.

re

Mr. Williams submitted the following resolution: Resolved, That the treaty and documents now under consideration be recommitted to the committee on foreign relations, with instructions to report solution directing the President of the United States to take immediate possession of the disputed territory, and to report such contingent measures as, in their opinion, may be necessary to maintain the just rights of the nation.

It ways determined in the affirmative:-yeas 38, nays 11.

Those who voted in the affirmative areMessrs. Archer, Barrow, Bates, Bayard, Berrien, Calhoun, Choate, Clayton, Conrad, Crafts, Crittenden, Cuthbert, Dayton, Evans, Fulton, Graham, Henderson, Huntington, Kerr, King, Mangum, Merrick, Miller, Morehead, Phelps, Porter, Preston, Rives, Sevier, Simmons, Smith, of Indiana, Sprague, Tallmadge, Tappan, White, Woodbridge, Woodbury, and Wright. Those who voted in the negative are

Messrs. Allen, Bagby, Benton, Buchanan, Linn, Smith, of Conn., Sturgeon, Walker, Wilcox, Williams, and Young.

Mr. Benton, submitted the following resolution;Resolved, That the treaty and documents now under consideration be recommitted to the committee on foreign relations, with instructions to report an amendment to the treaty, stipulating the right of the vessels of the United States, driven by tempests, or carried by violence into any of the British West India islands, to depart from the same, with all their contents of persons and property, with all convenient despatch, and after receiving the hospitable treatment due to misfortune.

After debate, on the question to agree thereto. It was determined in the negative:-yeas 11, nays 37.

On motion of Mr. Benton, the yeas and nays being desired by one-fifth of the senators present, Those who voted in the affirmative are Messrs. Allen, Bagby, Benton, Buchanan, Conrad, Linn, Smith, of Conn., Sturgeon, Walker, Williams, and Young,

Those who voted in the negative are

Messrs. Archer, Barrow, Bates, Bayard, Berrien, Calhoun, Choate, Clayton, Crafts, Crittenden, CuthThe senate, by unanimous consent, proceeded to bert, Dayton, Evans, Fulton, Graham, Henderson, consider the said resolution; and, on the question to Huntington, Kerr, King, Mangum, Merrick, Milagree thereto, it was determined in the negative-ler, Morehead, Phelps, Porter, Preston, Rives, Seyeas 8, nays 31. vier, Simmons, Smith, of Indiana, Sprague, Tallmadge, Tappan, White, Wilcox, Woodbridge, and Woodbury.

That our carvers will be found apt scholars, we have no doubt. If the British will but continue to admit beef and pork from this country upon equitable terms, we shall not so much complain of their ex. cluding our grain and flour as we have done. Our farmers may realize a profit possibly in using their plentiful crops as provender for stock, with the meat of which to feed John Bull. Already we find some of those economical expedients resorted to, of which every new trade is susceptible. Amongst the inspections of last week, for instance, in Baltimore, we have sundry parcels of beef put up in tierces, instead of barrels as usual, which will be quite a considera-ing ble saving, it is supposed, in the item of package, and perhaps of freight. Intimation is given also that packages of tongues, well cured, and of choice Maryland hams-than which John Bull never tasted finer-will be added to the list of future articles for shipment. Our lard has already become quite an article of importance for the French market as well as the English. Butter, apples, and sundry other items of marketing will soon be added; provided always, they will allow of their admission. And who ought to doubt upon that subject, now that Mr. Peel is advocating "free trade" doctrines?"nous ver

rons."

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Ordered, That the treaty, with the message and accompanying documents, be referred to the committee on foreign relations, and printed, in confi. dence, for the use of the senate.

MONDAY, AUGUST 15. Mr. Rives, from the committee on foreign relations, to whom was referred, on the 11th inst., the treaty with Great Britain, reported the same without amendment.

On motion of Mr. Rives, Ordered, That the said treaty be postponed to, and made the order of the day for Wednesday next, the

17th inst. at one o'clock.

WEDNESDAY, AUGUST 17. The senate proceeded to consider, as in committee of the whole, the treaty with Great Britain; and, after debate-on motion

of Mr. Rives,

On motion of Mr. Williams, the yeas and nays be-
desired by one-fifth of the senators present,
Those who voted in the affirmative are-
Messrs. Allen, Bagby, Fulton. Linn, Smith of Con-
necticut, Sturgeon, Walker, Williams.

Those who voted in the negative are-
Messrs. Archer, Barrow, Bates, Bayard, Benton,
Buchanan, Calhoun, Choate, Clayton, Conrad, Crafts,
Crittenden, Cuthbert, Dayton, Graham, Henderson,
Huntington, Kerr, Mangum, Miller, Morehead, Por-
ter, Preston, Rives, Smith, of Indiana, Tallmadge,
Tappan, White, Woodbridge, Woodbury, Young.

So the resolution was rejected. On motion by Mr.
Benton to strike out the eighth article from the trea-
ty, the question was stated, "shall the eighth article
stand as a part of the treaty" and, after debate, on
motion by Mr. Sevier, the senate adjourned.

SATURDAY, AUG. 20. The senate resumed the con-
sideration of the treaty with Great Britain; and
The question recurring: "shall the eighth article
stand as part of the treaty?" after debate,
It was determined in the affirmative: yeas 37, nays
12. Those who voted in the affirmative are-
Messrs. Archer, Barrow, Bates, Bayard, Berrien,
Calhoun, Choate, Clayton, Conrad, Crafts, Crittenden,
Dayton, Evans, Fulton, Graham, Henderson, Hun-
tington, Kerr, King, Mangum, Merrick, Miller, More-
head, Phelps, Porter, Preston, Rives, Simmons, Smith,
of Ind. Sprague, Tallmadge, Walker, White, Wilcox,
Williams, Woodbridge, Young.

Those who voted in the negative are-
Messrs. Allen, Bagby, Benton, Buchanan,
bert, Linn, Sevier, Smith, of Conn., Sturgeon, Tap-
pan, Woodbury, Wright.

On motion of Mr. Benton,

So the resolution was rejected.

Mr. Benton submitted the following resolution:Resolved, That the treaty and documents now under consideration be recommitted to the committee on foreign relations with instructions to report a resolution directing the president of the United States to take immediate possession of the disputed territory, up to the line designated by the king of the Netherlands, and to maintain the state of Maine in possession of the territory south of that line.

After debate, on the question to agree thereto, it was determined in the negative-yeas 2, nays 37.

On motion of Mr. Benton, the yeas and nays being desired by one-fifth of the senators present. Those who voted in the affirmative are

Messrs. Benton, Sevier.

Those who voted in the negative are

Messrs. Archer, Bagby, Barrow, Bates, Bayard, Berrien, Calhoun, Choate, Clayton, Conrad, Crafts, Crittenden, Cuthbert, Dayton, Evans, Fulton, Henderson, Huntington, Kerr, King. Mangum, Merrick, Miller, Morehead, Phelps, Porter, Preston, Rives, Simmons, Smith, of Indiana, Sprague, Sturgeon, Tallmadge, Tappan, White, Wilcox, Woodbridge. So the resolution was rejected.

On motion by Mr. Tappan, to strike out of the fifth article the following words, viz:

"And further to pay and satisfy said states respectively, for all claims for expenses incurred by them Cuth-in protecting the said heretofore disputed territory, and making a survey thereof, in 1838; the government of the United States agreeing with the states of Maine and Massachusetts to pay them the further sum of three hundred thousand dollars, in equal moieties, on account of their assent to the line of boundary described in this treaty, and in consideration of the conditions and equivalents received therefor from the government of her Britannic majesty."

To strike out of the first article of the treaty the following words:

"To the outlet of the Lake Pohenagamook; thence southwestwardly, in a straight line, to a point on the shall be ten miles distant from the main branch of the northwest branch of the river St. John, which point St. John, in a straight line, and in the nearest direction; but if the said point shall be found to be less than seven miles from the nearest point of the summit or crest of the highlands that divide those rivers which empty themselves into the river St. Lawrence from those which fall into the river St. John, then the said point shall be made to recede down the said northwest branch of the river St. John, to a point seven miles, in a straight line, from the said summit or crest; THURSDAY, AUGUST 18. Mr. Conrad submitted thence, in a straight line, in a course about south 8 the following resolution: degrees west, to the point where the parallel of lat. Resolved, That the president be requested to furn-of 46 deg. 25 min. north intersects the southwest ish to the senate all documents on file in the state department, connected with the liberation of certain slaves, the property of American citizens, which were taken from the wreck of the schooner Hermosa, near Abaco, were carried into Nassau, and then li

Ordered, That it be postponed to, and made the order of the day for to-morrow, at half past 11

o'clock.

branch of the St. John; thence, southerly, by the said
branch, to the source thereof in the highlands at the
Metjarmette portage."

After debate on the question, shall these words stand
as part of the first article?

After debate, on the question, "Shall these words stand as part of the fifth article?" It was determined in the affirmative-yéas 34, nays 10.

Those who voted in the affirmative are-
Messrs. Archer, Barrow, Bates, Bayard, Berrien,
Calhoun, Choate, Clayton, Crafts, Cuthbert, Dayton,
Evans, Fulton, Graham, Henderson, Huntington,
Kerr, King, Mangum, Merrick, Miller, Morehead,
Phelps, Porter, Rives, Sevier, Simmons, Smith, of
Indiana, Sprague, Tallmadge, White, Wilcox, Wood-
bridge, Young.

Those who voted in the negative are-
Messrs. Alien, Bagby, Benton, Buchanan, Conrad,
Crittenden, Linn, Smith, of Con. Sturgeon, Tappan.
No further amendment having been proposed.
Mr. Rives submitted the following resolution:
Resolved, (two-thirds of the senate present concurring),
That the senate advise and consent to the ratification

of the treaty to settle and define the boundaries between the territories of the United States and the possessions of her Britannic majesty in North America, for the final suppression of the African slave trade, and for the giving up of criminals fugitive from justice in certain cases.

The senate, by unanimous consent, proceeded to consider the said resolution.

On the question to agree thereto, it was decided in the affirmative-yeas 39, nays 9.

Those who voted in the affirmative are-
Messrs. Archer, Barrow, Bates, Bayard, Berrien,
Calhoun, Choate, Clayton, Crafts, Caittenden, Cuth-
bert, Dayton, Evans, Fulton, Graham, Henderson,
Huntington, Kerr, King, Mangum, Merrick, Miller,
Morehead, Phelps, Porter, Preston, Rives, Sevier,
Simmons, Smith, of Indiana, Sprague, Tallmadge,
Tappan, Walker, White, Woodbridge, Woodbury,
Wright, Young.

Those who voted in the negative are-
Messrs. Allen, Bagby, Benton, Buchanan, Con-
rad, Linn, Smith, of Conn. Sturgeon, Williams.
So the resolution was agreed to.
Ordered, That the secretary lay the said resolu-
tion before the president of the United States.
Tuesday, August 23. Mr. Crittenden submitted the
following resolution:

Resolved by the senate, That the injunction of secrecy be removed as to the late treaty with Great Britain, and the proceedings of the senate thereon; except only that this resolution shall not authorise the publication of said treaty, or any amendment proposed, or any speeeh made in the senate on its consideration and discussion.

After debate, on motion by Mr. Wright, Ordered, That the said resolution lie on the table. Wednesday, August 24. On motion of Mr. Conrad, Ordered, That the secretary of the senate return to the department of state the original papers obtained from that department under the resolution of the 18th instant, relating to the slaves that were taken from the wreck of the schooner Hermosa, and liberated by the British colonial authorities of Nas

sau.

MONDAY, AUGUST 29. Mr. Benton submitted the following resolution:

On motion by Mr. Tallmadge,

recently ratified by this body, as soon as the ratification | The article next in general importance is wool, on
thereof by the British government shall have been commu-which a high duty has been laid for many years,
nicated to the executive."
with a view to the protection of a great agricultural
interest common to nearly all the states. This duty
That the said resolution and proposed amendment has been reduced from 40 per cent. and 4 cents a
lie on the table; it was determined in the affirma- pound, in 1832, to 30 per cent. and 4 cents a pound.
tive: yeas 17, nays 15.
The protection of this article is interesting to nearly
On motion by Mr. Benton,
all the states, and to few more than to Virginia, who,
The yeas and nays being desired by one-fifth of the by the last census, stands fifth in the wool-growing
senators present. Those who voted in the affirma-department.
tive are-

Messrs. Bates, Berrien, Calhoun, Clayton, Crafts,
Cuthbert, Evans, Fulton, Graham, Huntington, Mer-
rick, Miller, Phelps, Porter, Rives, Tallmadge,
Woodbridge.

Those who voted in the negative are

The duty on salt has been reduced from 20 cents the bushel in 1816 to 8 cents in the present bill; and yet, for want of better grounds of objection, this reduced duty has been the object of particular attack, especially by Mr. Woodbury, in the senate, who argued, with his peculiar logic, that this duty, combinMessrs. Allen, Bagby, Bayard, Benton, Buchanan, ed with the existing reduction in price, was pecuCrittenden, Henderson, King, Linn, Mangum, More- liarly and especially oppressive to the great farming head, Smith, of Indiana, Tappan, Walker, Wood-interest. Another article on which the rate of duty bury. is the highest is coal, but of which domestic compeMr. Buchanan submitted the following resolution, tition is furnishing us an ample supply at low prices. which was considered by unanimous consent, and The foregoing enumeration shows how utterly agreed to: groundless is the charge, so easily made, and so freResolved, That the injuction of secrecy be remov-quently repeated, that this bill has been framed with ed from the British treaty, the correspondence which an especial and exclusive regard to the benefit of accompanied it, and all the proceedings of the se- the manufacturing interests-meaning, it is presumnate thereon, embracing the speeches and remarks ed, those of cotton and wool. The highest of these of senators, as soon as the ratifications of the said is that on manufactures of wool-40 per cent. in the treaty, shall have been exchanged, and it shall have place of 50 per cent. under the act of 1832. The been proclaimed by the president of the U. States. high duty on wool makes a high duty on its manufactures indispensable; and it is the opinion of practical men that under this bill we shall sell more importations of manufactured woollens than of the raw material.

THE NEW TARIFF.

The following communication relative to the tariff, says the National Intelligencer, is from the pen of a statesmen than whom no man in the country is better acquainted, theoretically and practically, with the subject of which he treats.

We now come to the manufacture of cottons, more important by far, in amount of capital investin the country. The duty on manufactures of coted and number of persons employed, than any other ton is 30 per cent., being the general rate of duty From the National Intelligencer. fixed by the committee of ways and means on obWhat is the proper character of this measure in jects suited to revenue alone. This is an advance of reference to revenue and protection? It was framed 5 per cent. over the rate of duty in 1832. At the with a view to raise a sufficient revenue, and at the same time a reduction has been made in the minisame time to afford incidentally, but intentionally, an mums, from 30 cents the square yard to 20 cents on adequate protection to American industry. It has plain cottons, and from 35 to 30 on printed calicoes. been assailed with a good deal of violence by cer- The success of the cotton manufactures is the tritain partisan presses, and by interested individuals. umph of the protective principle. In all articles in The object of the present communication is an ex-common and general use the supply is more than amination into the justice of these attacks, and an sufficient for our own consumption, at prices ininquiry how far they are well founded. trinsically the cheapest of those supplied to any naIt is true the bill passed both houses of congress tion under the sun. This being notoriously the case, discussion. But we should search in vain in those This is very fully explained in the memorial from by the smallest possible majorities, and after long the question is asked why fix so high a minimum? debates for many objections to its details. It was Boston annexed to the report of the committee on opposed in general terms as highly protective, in- manufactures. The object of the minimum is to stead of being horizontal, in conformity with the secure a specific duty on the finer branches of the compromise bill; as giving a bounty to manufactur-manufacture, especially on the rich printed goods. On motion by Mr. Rives, that the said resolution ers at the expense of other interests; as interfering Those are objects of fancy and luxury, and for the be amended by adding thereto the following: "As with the distribution of the public lands; and as be-mere purpose of revenue, the most appropriate and ing too high for the purpose of revenue.

Resolved, That the injunction of secrecy be forthwith removed from the treaty with Great Britain, the correspondence which accompanied it, and the proceedings thereon, including the specches and remarks of the senators.

The senators, by unanimous consent, proceeded to

consider the said resolution.

On motion by Mr. Preston,

That the said resolution be referred to a select committee to consider and report thereon, it was determined in the negative.

soon as the treaty shall have been proclaimed by the president of the United States as having been duly ratified by both parties."

On motion of Mr. Barrow,

Ordered, That the said resolution lie on the table. Mr. Benton submitted the following resolution: Resolved, That the president of the U. States be rence, written or oral, formal or informal, took place requested to inform the senate whether any confebetween the American negotiator and the late special minister from Great Britain to the U. States, in relation to the payment assumption, or guaranty of the state debts by the United States; and, if so, to

communicate the same to the senate.

TUESDAY, AUGUST 30. On motion by Mr. Benton, The senate resumed the consideration of the resolution submitted by him yesterday, together with the amendment proposed thereto by Mr. Rives; and the amendment was rejected.

On motion by Mr. Tallmadge, that the resolution submitted by Mr. Benton lie on the table,

It was determined in the negative: yeas 16, nays 19.
On motion by Mr. Allen,
The yeas and nays being desired by one-fifth of
the senators present. Those who voted in the affir-

mative are

Messrs. Barrow, Bates, Berrien, Calhoun, Clayton,
Evans, Graham, Huntington, Miller, Phelps, Porter,
Rives, Sevier, Tallmadge, White, Woodbridge.

Those who voted in the negative are-
Messrs. Allen, Archer, Bagby, Bayard, Benton,
Buchanan, Crafts, Crittenden, Cuthbert, Fulton,
Henderson, King, Linn, Mangum, Merrick, Preston,
Smith, of Indiana, Tappan, Woodbury.

On motion by Mr. Conrad,

To amend the resolution submitted by Mr. Benton, by striking out all after the word "Resolved," and inserting the following:

That the injunction of secrecy be removed from the proceedings and debates on the treaty with Great Britain

well suited to the application of high rates of duty. This can only be accomplished by a specific duty in the form of a minimum.

Nothing can be more disingenuous than the pretence that this duty bears at all on the laboring classes, when it is perfectly notorious that in all

branches of the cotton manufacture used for com

could be by any foreign importation; and that the mon purposes, we are supplied by our own manufacture better and intrinsically cheaper than we domestic competition has reduced the profits of this branch of business below the average in other pur

It is true that this bill supercedes the compromise
act. It re-establishes the principle of incidental
protection in the mode of levying duties on mer-
chandise imported. Much discussion has been had
whether protection should be incidental or intentional;
but to my apprehension it is merely a dispute about
words. All the positive protection which the rea-
claimed is, that import duties for the support of the
sonable advocates of the protective system have
government should be laid with discrimination, in a
manner to favor and protect our own productions.
This protection is incidental to this system of re-
venue, at the same time it is positive and intentional. suits, in fact, at the present moment, to nothing at
all. The same object, of guarding the revenue
The object has been to apply this principle so as against fraudulent invoices, led to a change in the
to protect all the great branches of industry; and the form of the duty on silks to a specific duty, by
question is, whether this bill does not fairly accom-
plish this object? It may here be observed that this weight, of two dollars fifty cents the pound, equal on
the average to a duty of 25 per cent. on the value.
is not introduced as a new principle. It is the poli- What speaks most in its favor is the fact that the
cy which was introduced in 1816, and has been pur-change is approved by the American importers,
sued by all our subsequent legislation.
whilst the foreign houses are full of denunciation
and complaint.

But the view which seems to be most frequently presented and most generally received is, that this tariff is too high for revenue by its tendency to check importation. This idea has been put forward with a good deal of assiduity, but is wholly false in The best point of fact, as can easily be shown. guide is our own experience, and we can appeal to that, which is perfectly conclusive.

The highest duty is upon the article of iron; this bears hardest upon the interest of navigation and upon manufactures generally; but it has always been considered a matter of national interest that we should ourselves furnish a supply of this article, so essential in war as well as peace, the raw material of which exists in so great abundance in almost every part of our country. Besides, a great amount of capital has been invested in this branch of business, which would be sacrificed by the abandonment of the principle of protection. At the same time, Our highest rates of duty were under the tariff of such improvements are making in the application of 1828. It went into operation at the commencement anthracite coal as make it quite certain that, under of a period of extreme depression, which terminatthe inducements to a further application of capital ed with the year 1830. The year 1831 is, therefore, and skill, the price will be gradually but greatly re-a fair criterion of the operation of the high tariff of duced under a full domestic competition. After all, 1828, so far as revenue is concerned-a tariff much a great reduction has been made in the duties on higher than the present. this article. Rolled bar-iron, which pays the highest duty, having been reduced from $30 in 1816, $37 in 1824, $30 in 1828 and 1832, to $25 per ton.

The importations of that year amounted, according to the treasury report, to $103,191,124. The duties which accrued thereon (see Doc. No. 3, 22d

Cong.) $36,304,342 gross, or, deducting drawbacks

From the Charleston Mercury. "The Democracy," according to this exposition,

The Charleston Mercury of the 24th ultimo, conand expenses of collection, to $30,225,295 nett re-tains the followingvenue. The import of one hundred and three millions was considered a very full one at that time, but "THE ALBANY ARGUS AND THE SYRACUSE RESOLU- goes for a tariff discriminating in its duties, and layTIONS." "We take from the Washington Globe of ing the main weight of its imposition upon articles is undoubtedly much below what may be now be ex- the 21st ult. the following editorial of the Albany coming in competition with those produced in this pected in future. The committee of ways and means based their Argus, which will be found, as we intimated on country, thereby affording a strong protection to American industry." "The democracy" too, it calculations on the imports of 1840-$109,000,000. Tuesday, a pretty fair commentary on the tariff reThis was a year of light imports-the lightest of the solution of the Syracuse democrats. The Argus has, seems "both at the north and in the south, with last ten. The average of the next five years is more we believe, been always considered the authorative few exceptions, are desirous for the sake of protectlikely to exceed than fall short of $120,000,000; the organ of the state politicians of New York, designat-ing American industry" to "pay taxes upon woollens, duties on which will exceed $25,000,000, withouted by their opponents as "the Albany Regency." Let cottons, worsted stuffs, iron, nails, salt, sugar, glass, including tea and coffee, on which a duty will pro-us hope that it here speaks on its own hook, as the and all the articles which can be produced here;" bably be laid at the next session of congress-a mea-organ of but few, perhaps none of them, but under and that "tea, coffee, spices, dye-stuffs, and a great sure which the actual state of the treasury renders the influence, purely local, of the small politicians in variety of other articles should be relieved from tax, highly expedient. and about Albany-who, taken such a craven posi- that it may be increased upon articles that can be tion, were defeated accordingly and deservedly, and produced here: and that, too, for the sake of proleft in the dastard rear, while the free trade banner tection;" the only difference between the "Demothey had deserted-borne gallantly in front rank, cratic" creed as here exhibited and the Clay and ulwas ensuring victory all over the rest of the state. tra federal creed, being one not of principle but of degree only. "The democracy" disclaim that a surplus and its distribution is any object of theirs; but On the protective and necessarily prohibitory principle, they are as strong as any whig of them all!There is no difference between them; and, on this matter. The democracy go for a tariff sufficient to great test question, they stand side by side, presentdefray the expenses of the national government, economically administered, discriminating in the du-ing equal claims to the favor and support of the maties, laying mainly on such articles as come in com- nufacturers. petition with those produced in this country, thereby Surely, we, plain, straightforward, free trade deaffording "incidentally" a strong, and by most peo-mocrats, of the south, have a right to protest against ple believed a sufficient protection to American industry.

It is true that the revenue accruing during the year 1842 will be small, and that importation, rendered small by other causes, is in some degree still further checked by the existing tariff; and that these checks will continue to operate during a part of the year 1843. But nothing could be more salutary than this check; the country was suffering under a plethora of goods of both foreign and domestic production. Every article of merchandise, with few if any exceptions, has been and still is selling at a loss to the importer or manufacturer. In this state of things a check upon importation is the only remedy, the only road to a state of prosperity and free consumption, the only basis of a prosperous revenue. There are some who appear to be disappointed that the revival of trade has not been greater since the passage of the tariff. Such complaints are unreasonable. Little more than two months have passed; a large portion of the country is hardly out of the Jast agony of the wretched suspension system; some states are yet debating whether they will not still prolong it by ruinous miscalled relief laws.

From the Albany Argus.

A TARIFF FOR REVENUE OR A TARIFF FOR PROTECTION.
The two political parties are divided upon this

being spoken for after such a fashion; and may be excused if we exhibit distrust as well as surprise, when we behold a manoeuvre such as this change of position, so sudden and soon, after the explicit declaration of the New York members of the late session of congress, that they were opposed to a protective tariff in principle, and only voted for the present infamous law, and passed it by their votes, to get rid of the land distribution act. It was but natural to suppose, too, that those who claimed for themselves at the Syracuse convention the merit of having aided the whigs to force this tariff upon us

The whigs go for a tariff which does not stop here. They would increase it still higher upen articles which can be supplied in this country, and raise their price still higher for the sake of "protection" only, although it should increase the revenue above the wants of the national government, and produce But the end has come. After a long and severe a surplus, again to be distributed among the states, depression, in which confidence abused has been or deposited in a national bank, to be loaned out "to changed to general distrust, and courage has given do business with," or in other words, "for purposes place to timidity, the reaction is cautious and slow, of speculation." against the vote of the whole body of the democrabut it is sure. It is as certain as the laws of nature "Protection" means, to raise the price of the arti- tic party, would have refrained at least for a breaththat the present check upon the importation of mer-ole protected. A duty is no protection until it does ing space, from thus, through their organ, utterly chandise and the influx of specie are the immediate raise the price. The democracy, both at the north frittering away and throwing off the principles of the harbingers of returning confidence, prosperity, and and at the south with few exceptions, are willing to party. Those who gave utterance to the feelings of increased consumption. So far, then, from the pre- be taxed to raise sufficient revenue to support the the democratic party in general, had clearly intimatsent check upon importation being unfavorable to national as well as their state governments; and they ed that the party felt aggrieved and mortified at the the revenue, it is wholly the reverse. Had a large are desirous, for the sake of protecting "American vote for which the Syracusian democrats claim creimportation been allowed to come in under the industry," to pay that tax upon woollens, cottons, dit; and when friends are injured and mortified, friends temptation of low duties, in the actual state of the worsted stuffs, iron, nails, salt, sugar, glass and all should be eager to assuage the hurt and scrupulous country, it would have produced a state of things the articles which can be produced here. They are not to exasperate the wound; but this is insult folwhich it is frightful to contemplate-a paralysis of also desirous that those necessaries of life which are lowing hard and fast upon the heels of injury, for industry which would still further have checked con- not the production of this country-such as tea, cof-the Argus assuming to speak for us, undertakes to sumption for a long period, and for a small present fee, spices, dye woods, and a great variety of others pledge the democracy, northern and southern, to a modicum of revenue would have sacrified that of-should be relieved from tax, that it may be inprotective tariff! future years to an amount infinitely greater. There creased upon articles which can be produced here, is no greater mistake than that low prices of fo- and that, too, for the sake of "protection." reign products are in themselves favorable to revenue derived from imports. The only legitimate and certain source of revenue is active and well paid industry, the parent of full consumption. For more than twenty-five years a direction has been given to all the manufactures for common use in wool, cotthis industry which has furnished the country with ton, glass, leather, paper, and iron. Our imports are in the finer branches of these manufactures, mostly consumed by the rich.

Now, nothing can be more evident than that a

To illustrate the doctrines of the two parties-that is, the effect of "a tariff for revenue and a tariff for protection."

ties.

a

We protest against it in the name of every honest democrat in the union. No such democrat will be content, and when it is presented to him in its proper light, no such democrat but will be indignant, at such a defining of his position and of that of "the demoThe farmer pays of tax, say twenty dollars a year cracy." as is here proffered to our worst enemies by other articles paying duties; and he is a small farmer making such pledges and promises to our foes and unupon his clothing, his salt, his iron, his sugar, and the Albany Argus; and for any who will persist in or mechanic, who does not pay that amount under constitutional oppressors-we cannot conscientiously he is more willing to pay in this shape than in any redeeming them. tariff ranging from thirty to fifty per cent. This tax desire the power and opportunity of fulfilling and We should be lending ourselves to other, because it goes to increase the manufacturing the maintaining of whig doctrines, could we tacitly change in our tariff which should paralyze this in- interests here; and as they are increased, a home consent to their profession in our name--and these market is created for the produce of the farmer.-doctrines of the Argus are exactly and identically dustry, would soon react upon and reduce a revenue levied upon the general consumption. The truth is, Up to this poiut of taxation, (for all duties are taxa- those of the whig party. we shall be sure to import and consume the full tion), the democracy are willing to go: because the The great body of democrats always mean someports, and these will bear a proportion to our indus- Here they would stop taxation in the shape of du- spurn at deception towards friend or foc; and when amount of our surplus products, constituting our ex-burdens and benefits are pretty equally distributed. thing when they speak; speak it unequivocally; and try. We shall run into foreign luxuries as far as they mark this yielding to the whigs all that the we have the means, and these are fit and proper subThe whigs, with Mr. Clay at their head, insist upon whigs have ever claimed-this surrendering the true jects for high duties. I deny altogether that the going further, and would increase this taxation twen-point of difference, that of discriminating duties for present duties are so high as to check materially ty-five, fifty, and some of them one hundred per cent. protection sake and not for revenue-they will not this consumption, or to encourage smuggling to any making the same farmer pay fifteen, eighteen, or permit the surrender to be masked by pretended difextent. There is nothing in our experience to war- even twenty-four dollars a year, instead of twelve; ferences with the whigs upon a surplus and its disrant such a conclusion. Neither is there in the ex- although it is not necessary to defray the expenses tribution, or upon a tariff of utter prohibition. No perience of other nations. What is there in our ta- of the national government. They would do it to such differences as these do in fact exist between the riff which bears any proportion to the duties in "protect"-this is, increase still higher the price of Argus and the whigs; for the whigs have never afPeel's bill on tea, coffee, sugar, wines, spirits, &c. the woollens, cottons, iron, &c. which are supplied firmed either that a surplus for distribution was their On the whole, it is not easy to perceive how a bill here mainly from the large companies of associated object, or that they desired a tariff which would procould have been framed for revenue alone which wealth. And as an excuse for increasing this tax, duce one, or that they aimed at thorough and total would have been more effective for that object. At for the sake of "protection" alone, Mr. Clay and prohibition by their tariff impositions. Their distrithe same time, it gives security to all the great his friends insist on distributing the avails of the pub-bution policy, though, if they succeeded in carrying branches of industry which have grown up under a lic lands among the states, thereby creating the ne- it out, it would have in effect the same onerous repolicy which has more than realized all the predic- cessity of applying the deficiency, being two millions sult as taxing the people directly to raise money to tions of its founders. No doubt some changes may a year, by an increased tax on the necessaries of life. be given to the states, yet, according to their profesbe required in an act comprising so many details. A Under these considerations, the democracy go for sions, covers only the public lands. But was the modified warehousing system made a part of the a tariff for revenue only, so laying it as to protect in- question of a surplus at all involved in the tariff act original bill, and should accompany a system of cash cidentally all branches of American industry, and which now grinds us-or was that question ever duties. Any radical change in the character or not increase the tax on the necessaries of life merely raised in its discussion? The Argus well knows principle of the bill would be the greatest madness. to enlarge the profits of the cotton, woollen, and that it was not. Every body knows now, and knew All that is wanted is that it should be submitted to iron companies, and other associations of wealth. when it was enacted, that so far from producing a The democracy thinks this would be taxing the many surplus, this tariff would cut down the revenue-and for the benefit of the few, and they opposed it. means of a national currency, other than gold and

the test of

Boston, November 1842.

EXPERIENCE.

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York this day of her canals-the Pennsylvania coal regions of their canals and rail roads-the western states of theirs-and what, in comparison, would be the comparative value of the land in those regions?

not produce a sufficiency for the necessary expendi- have not resources adequate to their own emancipa- tional debt, as the whole present indebtedness of the tures of the government;-so that in voting for it, tion. They, like many individuals, are sorely em-states would amount to. That additional debt, as the whigs have but affiliated with "the democracy" barrassed by the singular posture of monetary con- well as the immense additional taxations to which of the Argus-by voting precisely upon its avowed cerns, and by the deplorable want of confidence in the people subjected themselves during the whole of principles; nor is there any protective tariff, the their faith and stability, and by the depression of pri- the war, in personal service, as well as in double and vilest and most oppressive which imagination can ces, rendering payments for the moment almost im- treble taxes, was freely expended. The indebtedness frame, which cannot be rivetted upon the country possible, yet whose resources are ample to discharge of the states, on the contrary, would be more approand defended upon the principles of the Argus, or in a reasonable period every cent they owe. The priately termed investments than expenditures;-comwhich after these avowals, that paper can, with any states with few, if any exceptions, will have ulti-plete the improvements they were incurred in carryconsistency condemn. mately, and without unreasonable delay, not only ing on, and profitable returns commence to flow If the doctrines of the Argus are to prevail in ample resources to meet their existing obligations, from them into the public treasury. Facilities are their administration of the government, the demo- but they will have invaluable possessions and im- afforded, unknown, unthought of before, and the vacracy had much better be a minority in perpetual provements wherewith to relieve their people of con- lue of every acre of land within the circumference opposition, and with fixed resolve to resist tyranny, siderable of their state taxes. We have no idea of of their influence, and of every product therefrom, than gain a victory worse than barren;-a victory states or of individuals desponding under temporary is enhanced by those improvements. Divest New which will bring them chains instead of deliverance embarrassments. We have seen a darker day than and liberty; chains, too, self-imposed! Better never this-a day when the general government was over a grasp the reins, if this is the fashion in which they hundred millions in debt,-its credit scarcely adeare to be politely tendered by our charioteers to their quate to obtain loans at eighty cents in the dollar, very disinterested and self-sacrificing good friends- though offering eight per cent interest for only suffiThat the stability of this returning confidence-for the manufacturing aristocracy. If we believed that cient to meet their urgent demands for the payment returning we insist that it already is, and that too, the great victory in New York, had been achieved of troops wherewith to resist the armies of Welling without being based upon banks, either national or only through concessions such as these, we could ton, which, triumphing over European enemies, were local,-upon fiscal agents,-exchequer, or issue of not, as we do give the democracy there our joyous transferred to our shores, invading us north and south, government stocks, but upon the inherent resources greeting on the occasion; for we could not congratu- whilst their fleets anchored quietly for months in the of the country-the products of the soil, and the lalate the party and the country on misfortune and dis- Chesapeake, and marauders from it were burning bor and ingenuity of our people; yet, that the sta grace. From a view of the field, now that the smoke the capitol. Even under these exigencies neither bility of this returning confidence greatly depends of battle has cleared up, we are persuaded that the American people nor the states of this union upon adherence to the provisions of the American those who sought strength with the people of New quailed for one moment-nay, the states, some of tariff, enacted with a view of replacing us upon York by such concessions, mistook their men-and them at least, came up generously to the relief of something of an equality with foreigners in respect would have triumphed as much more signally as more to exports and imports, we readily admit. Believ honorably, had they, as was done in very many parts ing, as we religiously do, that most of our present of the state, manfully unfurled the free trade flag of embarrassments have originated in the excess of forthe democracy, and honestly sustained it through the eign articles invited from abroad by our "free trade" folly-we attribute, of course, the dawning as well as fight. permanence of better times, largely to the wholesome change which our tariff was intended to effect in this particular, and which it will consummate if maintained. That a repeal of the tariff would renew apprehensions as to our future capacities for meeting the payments which an undue and mevitable influx of "cheap" foreign articles would require of our people-and thereby impair the dependence upon which we have a right to rely, by adhering to our true interest, is admitted-mournfully admitted.That cause may postpone the return of better times, indefinitely. But should that case occur, all the expedients for artificial credits will be found totally inadequate to avert the poverty and distress which lies in the path. If we do not support our own operatives, we inevitably abandon our laborers to the poverty and distress experienced by the operatives of Europe, and of course impair the means of the whole community to meet exactions of any kind, for we all know that at last the great staple of wealth, or means, in any country, is labor.

The Argus has wilfully subjected itself to the conjecture, whether a press which could tender such concessions in the game for a single state, may not be tempted to concede again and farther, for the sake of the more glittering prize of party ascendancy in the union.

the general government, and the people, though with-
out the assistance of a foreign commerce, a foreign
market, or foreign capital-all of which we now
have-and with a heavy DIRECT TAX of several mil-
lions apportioned upon them, hesitated not to DOUBLE
THAT TAX as their difficulties increased-and repu-
diation was never once mentioned or thought of.

"If your light becomes darkness, how great is that darkness?"

We have the same materials now to rely upon and we have a thousand fold the resources the people of that day had to rely upon. The day of greatest embarrassment with which the strange process in relaThe establishment of our principles, and not party tion to financial affairs is fraught, into which we have ascendancy nor the elevation of any man or men, is been precipitated, is, we verily believe, now upon us. the aim of the democracy. We can promise the The day of relief will speedily dawn-not through manufacturers nothing farther, than that in carrying the adoption of any of the many expedients which through our fixed purpose of restoring the principle financiers have contrived; we have little faith in any of free trade and low duties, it shall not be done of them, for the occasion; but from the inherent enharshly, but with due consideration of the circum-ergies that belong to the people, the states, and the stances in which bad legislation has involved them; government-or rather, perhaps, to the country we and we refuse to recognize as the flag of the genuine inhabit. Our credit has been depressed so far below democrats of New York and their known leaders, what it is really entitled to, that it cannot be much the standard unfurled by the Argus and the Syracuse longer retained in that unnatural position. It will resolution. For what, to the free trade men of the speedily be ascertained that there is capital in hands, union, would be a victory over the whigs, if its very that wants and will seek employment-and it will be first fruit is to be worse to us than any result of de- ascertained too, that employing it, hereafter, and not feat in open field against an open foe-if the very hoarding it, will be the only process of making it profirst act of the conquerors is to be the fulfilment of a fitable. What changes do we already perceive? For bargain, and the ratification of a treaty of peace many years past, and up to this time last year, there and close alliance, the first condition of which shall was almost a universal cry against the banks of the Without room or time to enlarge, we drop our pen. deliver us up bound hand and foot? We have not country. They, in many cases, deserved no confi- The theme is of instant and immediate importance. fought so long only that an empty name of deliver- dence. Many have been prostrated that never ought The views of the executive of the union upon it, will ance should mock our actual subjection to a settled to have existed. Some have been unfortunate. The no doubt be communicated to congress in a day or bondage; and if the fruits of arduous years of toil credit of the most solvent of them was shaken to two, and that body will be occupied with its considerand struggle and sacrifice are to be bartered before their very foundation. They were compelled, in ation;-meantime, we have snatched a brief space for our eyes to secure a mere party ascendancy, a fraud nearly all of the states, to attempt to resume and our own crude notions, in anticipation, and now give as to which we will never submit shall not be consum- continue specie payments, or relinquish their char- an appropriate accompaniment of Mr. Johnson's promated in our name: but in behalf of the democracy ters. They did their very best, no doubt. We have ject, several articles from public journals in relation of the south and of the north and of the whole union, fewer of them, and what we have, are now generally to the fiscal projects before the country. Our purwe protest against the forgery of their sanction to regarded as solvent. Confidence is returning of ne-pose is to exhibit all parties impartially. cessity. The fact is that many of them have now large amounts of funds which they see no way of using profitably. One of the banks in this city, for THE NEW FASHIONED U. STATES BANK. instance, which has in its vaults, as we are creditably From the Cincinnati Enquirer. informed, upwards of five hundred thousand dollars It is generally conceded that Webster was not far in specie, has a circulation of but little over two from the truth when he pronounced a national bank hundred thousard. The influx of specie at this mo- of the old-fashioned sort "obsolete." That descripment rushing into New Orleans, where but a short tion of banking has lost its character both for intime since the whole of their banks had to suspend, tegrity and capacity. No public man is so foolis but proof of the inherent energies of the people of hardy as to stand up in its defence, but in advocating this country. Their very embarrassments contribute a similar institution. reform is proposed, "restricto develope their wealth. A little time hence, we tions," guards, and checks, &c. At the same time, shall look with amazement at the scene now pre- we are told that this can never be a prosperous coun sented, the most wonderful, as was observed by the try without the aid of such an institution, to regulate late able British negotiator, when in this country, that or manufacture exchanges, and to print a circulating the world had witnessed for many years-a people- medium. Seizing upon this absurd and obsolete a whole people, actually suffering, for no adequate fallacy of the fund mongers, and prowling stockjobcause whatever-having peace, plenty, and health, bers, at an opportune moment, too, the administrainternal resources, foreign trade, and domestic tran- tion steps forward with a scheme of its own, a well quility-and yet ruin stalking through the land;-dressed ghost of the old humbug, speaking the same wherefore? language, making the identical promises of an abunCONFIDENCE had been unnaturally shaken-we dant currency and cheap exchanges. The advocates have not had a sufficient reliance upon what we have, of this system have never yet shown that wealth can and what we can do. But confidence is about to re- be created by legislation; for, in coining money by the turn-and we shall be relieved from this unnatural government, not one cent is added to the wealth of position. The whole country, states, individuals, the country; nor can one cent be added by any power and general government collectively, owe much less of the legislature to impose taxes and issue debts. than they owed in 1814. The states owe more than By such a process wealth may be transferred and then, but they have improvements which are worth accumulated in the possession of a few, but not withmore than they owe, which they had none of then. out doing injustice and injury to the many. All pretended attempts of government to aid its citizens by

the deed.

The Richmond Enquirer of Tuesday last concludes an article in relation to the probable measures of the ensuing session of congress, by cxclaiming and above all, let us repeal or essentially modify the present abominable tariff: If the whigs will only permit us to carry that measure into immediate operation, we will thank them, and take the responsibility with all the pleasure in the world."

EXPEDIENTS FOR THE REMEDY OF OUR NATIONAL DIFFICULTIES. Far from subscribing to the project urged by the talented representative of an adjoining congressional district, the hon. Wm. Cost Johnson, for permanent relief of the government, the states and the people, it is, nevertheless, due to that gentleman that his position should be fairly understood and his arguments duly weighed by the communities he has labored most zealously to serve. For this reason we insert his address to his constituents. Many facts and considerations are adduced by him that deserve reflection. The plausibility of his argument will, no doubt, win advocates for his plan, but we do not apprehend that so great a change will be speedily wrought in congress as to render its adoption probable. We are not amongst the number of those that conceive the states to be in such serious difficulties, but that they

The war of 1812 added as much to our prior na

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