which is before us. placed when this negotiation was opened, and what of Africa or the slave trade; they were not fired, believe it to be the production of some discontented better result he could have obtained than the one like England, with a holy enthusiasm in favor of the member of the opposition in the British parliament. sable race; they were only, in my opinion, "men in Its object seems to be to prove that the interests of We are not, and probably shall never be, acquaint- buckram," associated with Great Britain for the pur- Great Britain have been sacrificed to those of the ed with the contents of Lord Ashburton's instruc-pose of overa ving the government of the United United States, and this sacrifice is attributed to tions, but it is probable that the question of mutual States, and compelling us by the display of an im- the honest simplicity of Lord Ashburton and the search was not entirely omitted in them. No doubt mense force to accede to the quintuple alliance, or superior cunning and diplomatic skill of our negohis lordship was to bring this question once more be- to submit to its dictation. What separate objects tiator. fore the view of government, with, perhaps, a varie- they had in view is not for me to exainine, but they The writer treats in the first place of the boundaty of modifications, which could not be agreed to. are sufficiently obvious. The phantom of democracy, ry question. On this subject he appears to be pos But after the solemn protest of the president against held up to their view as advancing with giant strides sessed of information which cannot have been obany interpolation in the existing law of nations with by an eloquent but fanciful French writer, made them tained from any other source than diplomatic arout our consent, the feeling which it had excited in blind to their true interests. I am well convinced chives. The result of his long discussion is. that the United States against the searching of vessels in that they will not add a single ship from the Baltic, Lord Ashburton has been completely duped. time of peace, and the effect which these things had the German Ocean, or the Black Sea to the force the subject of the Caroline, his lordship has been produced in Europe, it is impossible to suppose that of Great Britain in the African seas or elsewhere.-drawn into a humiliating apology in the name of his our negotiator would or could, without incurring the They may, therefore, be considered together as one government. In the affair of the Creole, we are enheaviest responsibility, have agreed to any modifica- and only a nominal party to the great combination of tirely in the wrong. tion of the exercise of the right of search, though powers. under the color of mutuality, and with the substitution of a French for an English technical expression, both of which were known to have the same meaning, very much like "fair lady" and "lady fair."This supposition, therefore, must be left entirely out of the question. I am informed that it is contended by some that the treaty should have been entirely silent on every thing concerning the slave trade, or alluding, though ever so indirectly, to the right of search. But this silence might have been misconstrued, as it did not negative in any intelligible manner, the claim which Great Britain had set up to the right of searching ships, without our consent, in execution of her treaties with other powers. It might have been represented in Europe as a kind of tacit submission on our part, and those who hesitated finally to sanction the quintuple alliance, might have found themselves, perhaps, in greater embarrassment. We had made our voice heard by the world, and we were now bound to teil Great Britain, "thus far shall we go, and no further;" and that would not have been done otherwise, without breaking through all forms of delicacy, than by telling how far we could join with her in her endeavors to suppress the slave trade, which negatived every other mode, and was in legal language, the "exclusion of a conclusion." This we did by the two articles in question. It was impossible that our meaning should be mistaken, But there was another reason, a stronger reason, that must have induced us to make those two articles a part of the treaty. We had to convince Great Britain and the whole world that our zeal for the suppression of the abominable trade carried on, on the coast of Africa had not slackened, and that we were as anxious as they to give it its death blow, with the single reservation of our maritime and commercial independence. No law that we might separately have made could have fully attained that most desirable object. We wanted England herself to be satisfied with our efforts, and to make it known to the world in the language of a solemn compact. This was fully understood in Europe, and is sufficiently evidenced by the effects which it immediately produced, and which alone are a full and complete justification of the treaty. Scarcely was this treaty known in France than the spirit of that gallant nation was raised to the highest pitch. The public voice became louder and louder; the embarrassment of the government ceased in an instant; the king's ministry signified to Great Britain and the coalition that France decidedly renounced the quintuple alliance; that the treaty should not be ratified; and that the protocol night be closed without her; which was accordingly done, and we may say that from that moment the quintuple alliance, though it remained quadruple in form and in appearance, was to all contemplated purposes dissolved. Then, on the other side, stands Great Britain alone, and forming in effect the whole alliance. The names of Russia, Austria and Prussia will continue to appear on the protocol as a broken lance in the hands of a warrior, telum imbelle sine ictu. the sea. Оп As to the impressment of our seamen, we may be abstractly in the right, but there is much to be said in favor of the British side of the question; and, after all, Great Britain will never abandon her favorite theory of perpetual allegiance. I looked with great anxiety for the writer's opinOver this formidable combination our treaty may ion on the subject of the eighth and ninth articles of be considered as a complete triumph. It is probable the treaty. I found it at last in two short paragraphs, that our example will be imitated by other powers; which convince me of his unwillingness to say much by those at least who respect their own independence on the question which they involve. Of the 9th arand that of their flag, and who will not permit any ticle he only says that it is no concession to Great nation, however powerful, to usurp the dominion of Britain, because it is conformable to the principles We are told that France has offered to and policy of the United States. The eighth artiGreat Britain, but without success to substitute our cle he considers as of no consequence; the only eighth and ninth articles for the treaties of 1831 and thing remarkable in it is that it does not concede the 1833, which are soon to expire. Our principle will, mutual right of search; but much will depend, in his hope, in time become the law of Europe. Indeed, opinion, on the instructions to be given to the comthe consequences of that instrument will be, in my manders of the ships of war of the two countries. opinion, more important than we are at present aware of. I would not be astonished to see it operate a gradual but perceptible change in the federative system of Europe. The first symptoms of it may perhaps be perceived in the debates of the British and French Parliaments which are soon to meet, and in occasional articles in the Augsburg Gazette and the Vienna Observer. But this discussion would carry me too far. I do not mean to deny that Great Britain is makng great and honorable efforts for the suppression of the African slave trade, and that there is in her peo ple a general enthusiasm, which some have called fanatacism, for the attainment of that object. How could we deny in that nation the existence of a feeling which animates us in common with them, and with what justice could we say that their efforts, as well as our own, are not directed to that noble and glorious object? But, unfortunately, other interests of a less elevated nature have been almost always found to be mingled with those of religion and humanity. History is full of such examples. Thus in the present instance, our zeal for the suppression of the African slave trade is mixed with the no less important object of the freedom of commerce and the independence of our flag; while Great Britain, on the contrary, aspires to the dominion of that element. While we agree entirely in principle, that illustrious nation and our own are found to differ in the means, but in the means only, of carrying our great design into effect. You may judge of my surprise in finding such an article in a respectable Faris periodical. I expected at least to have found some slight expression of gratitude for the important service we had rendered to the French nation and to its government. But for the timely interposition of our presidential veto, Louis Philippe would, without hesitation, have ratified the treaty of the quintuple alliance, as he considered himself morally bound to do. it produced in France made him hesitate, and that The appearance of this state paper and the effects hesitation continued during several months, until the publication of our treaty put an end to it. Then his doubts immediately ceased, and the secession of France from the fatal treaty was formally made known to the disappointed potentates*. By this secession France recovered her commercial and maritime independence, subject only to the two honeymoon treaties which will soon expire, and you will I hope agree with me that it gave us some claim to her gratitude. But, leaving these considerations out of the question, I have only meant to show to you, by noticing this to me unexpected French publication, that the Washington treaty is considered in Europe as a great triumph obtained by the United States, and I have no doubt that such will be the opinion of our national legislature when the subject shall come to be consid ered by them. 1*The representatives of the several powers, convened again at London on November the 15 h and after taking note of the refusal of France to accede to the quine treaty finally on that day closed the protocol. Note E TWENTY SEVENTH CONGRESS OF THE SENATE. JANUARY 26. Mr. Bagby, of Alabama, appeared in his seat. Mr. Bayard, from the naval committee reported a bill to amend the act entitled "an act to re-organize the navy department of the United States." You will not, I hope, believe, my dear sir, that in ascribing to Great Britain the desire of obtaining the sovereignty of the seas. I am preferring against her an unjust accusation. It is, after all, a great and a noble ambition, and for more than a century she has honorably avowed it. "Britannia rule the waves" is the favorite burden of her patriotic songs. At the festive board of the lovely queen, at the tables of her ministers and of the grandees of her realm, on board of her ships of war, and wherever she governs at sea or land, the admirable ode which has immorThis coalition, so formidable and threatening in its talized these words and its beautiful melody are said inception and in its progress, now consisted only of or sung with enthusiasm. Our collateral objects, as two parties, one of which had never been disposed you see, are widely different, but by our late treaty to render to the principal ally any efficient assistance we have agreed to pursue them separately in peace [This bill provides that the bureaus of construcin the suppression of the slave trade. On one side while we are united by a higher interest. tion, equipment, and repairs shall be divided into were the emperor Nicholas, the descendant of the It is time to conclude this much too long letter. I two distinct bureaus, viz: a bureau of construction illustrious Catherine, the author of the armed neu- shall, therefore, say nothing of the other parts of the and repairs, and a bureau of equipment; and the bu trality, and of Paul, who, after, her death, attempted Washington treaty. The settlement of the boundary reau of ordnance and hydrography shall be divided in vain to revive it; the king of Prussia, the nephew question is honorable to both nations, and shows a mu- into two parts, viz: one of ordnance and the other of Frederick the Great, who first compelled Great tual desire to remain at peace with each other. May of hydrography. The appointment of the chiefs of Britain to pay damages for the illegal seizure of this blessed peace long, very long, continue! A war the different bureaus and the clerks is vested in the neutral vessels in the war of 1744, (I allude to the between Great Britain and this country would be secretary of the navy. The bill also fixes the num celebrated case of the Silesia loan, the issue of terrible indeed; it would unhinge the world. Quod ber and salaries of the officers and clerks.] which is not generally known, at least in this coun- deus avertal. I am, &c. try;) and, lastly, the emperor of Austria, the sove The Oregon bill was resumed. Mr. Linn spoke in reply to Mr. McDuffie and rereign of Venice, and in right of her Doges, his pre- P. S. Since this letter was written I have read butted the allegation that this question was sprung at decessors, the husband of the sea, now careless of with astonishment in the Revue des deux Mondes, of an unpropitious momont. Mr. Floyd, president Monthe honor of his noble spouse. These three sove- the 15th of October last, a long article on the Wash-roe, in his last message, President Adams, president reigns, of interests and principles so opposite to those ington treaty, containing more than twenty pages of Jackson, and successive committee after committee of Great Britain, cannot be considered as having small close print, which I could not have expected had again and again brought and urged the subject entered into that alliance with her for the same os- to find in that leading periodical of a friendly na- to the attention of congress. He himself had brought tensible object. They cared very little for the coast tion. Were that article in an English paper, I shld the subject to the attention of the senate by resolutions whose reference to the committee on foreign affairs and afterwards to the military committee, having been strenuously resisted, was at last in 1838 referred to a select committee of which he himself had the honor to be made chairman and which reported a bill analogous to that originally reported by Mr. Floyd. The subject was again laid over, renewed in 1839, and for the sake of the then other pending negotiations again deferred. From 1821 to 1839 the cry had been, wait! wait! wait! He should be exonerated in the minds of all from the charge of pressing this issue at an unpropitious moment, either on the country or the senate. He had no desire to pursue such a course; but he should hot hesitate, on all great questions where the great interests of his country were concerned, to speak boldly and fearlessly at all times, without looking for a propitious moment for so doing. It had heen intimated by the senator from South Carolina that Great Britein would judge more from the speeches made on the bill than from the bill itself. For his part if there was any thing to operate on England it would be acts, not speeches. In 1838 precisely the same objections had been urged against the measure: "it would be an infraction of the treaty of 1818." At that time there was no provision in the bill to graut land bounty; the great objection then was the erection of military posts! Now, gentlemen who oppose the measure have no fault to find with the military posts; it is the granting of the land (to which they admit the validity of our title) that constitutes the stumbling-block. Mr. McRoberts presented resolutions from the state | The Oregon bill. Mr. Rives addressed the senate. Mr. Simmons presented resolutions from the legisla-instance. Petitions were presented for the following subjects: The Oregon bill was resumed. Mr. Archer rose and delivered his views against the bill. Mr. Linn said that that was his first proposition, and all must remember how strenuously it had been resisted; he had next sought to have it referred to the military committee, but with no better success; and it was not until he had failed in both instances that it had been referred to the select committee. Mr. Archer then withdrew the original motion to refer it to the committee on foreign affairs, and moved to refer it to a select committee [as the original select committee had desolved after reporting it.] Mr. Benton arose to speak; but on motion of Mr. Buchanan the senate went into executive session, and thereafter adjourned. HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES. THURSDAY, JAN. 26. The speaker announced the following as the select committee ordered on the memorial presented by Mr. W. Cost Johnson on the Mr. Young followed in support of the bill. subject of the state debts and the issue of 200,000,000, Mr. Linn made a brief reply to the remarks of Mr. of government stock viz. Messrs. Wm. Cost Johnson, of Archer; whenMd. Mr. Gentry, of Tennessee; Mr. Adams, of MasMr. Calhoun moved to pass the bill over informal-sachusetts; Mr. Casey, of Illinois; Mr. Cooper. of ly until to-morrow, as he desired to say a few Pennsylvania; Mr. Marshall, of Kentucky; Mc. Morwords on the question; which motion being agreed ris, of Ohio; Mr. Howard, of Michigan; Mr. Cravens, to The senate proceeded to the consideration of exe- repeal of the bankrupt law; for its repeal; and for is- A bill to extend the charters of the District banks The senator from Carolina had placed his objections to the bill on three grounds: 1st. that it was an infraction of the treaty, or would be so considered; 2d, that we should have to keep up an expensive military establishment; and 3d, giving extension to our population. It never seemed to have entered the head of that senator that great commercial advantages were to be derived from the occupation of this territory, nor as allowing of harbors for our whalemen and other shipping, nor of the benefits of the fur trade that might be carried on. As far back as 1820, the fur trade was worth $500,000 annually, and from the neglect of the government in sustaining our interests in that quarter, it had dwindled down, to $2,000. Water rotted hemp. The joint resolution from the Mr. L. continued his remarks, canvassing the ob-house to establish agencies in Missouri and Kentucky jections of Mr. McD., and reading from documents was taken up on motion of Mr. Crittenden. Mr. to show that the territory would proudly compare Young would like to have an agency for each of the with South Carolina in fertility of soil, salubrity of states of Illinois and Tennessee. Mr. C. said that to climate, and genial temperature, and gave great in- do this now, would defeat the bill. Mr. Smith thought terest to the subject from his thorough knowledge of that water rotting was too much an experiment yet the country and its resources. the two agencies would suffice for the present. Mr. to multiply agencies indefinitely. Mr. Benton thought King was opposed in toto to the resolution. He thought the navy should be supplied by contracts baJANUARY 27. Mr. Clayton of Delaware presented sed on published proposals. Mr. Crittenden replied joint resolutions of the state of Delaware, asking for in defence of the resolution. Mr. Bayard explained a retrocession of the Pea Patch Island to that state the reasons that actuated the naval committee in reby the United States, in order that the state might porting it. Hemp superior to any in the world could secure its title from private claimants so as to make be produced in the west; its preparation however it over in full possession to the United States. But was defective; the agents would purchase such as if the bill already prepared by himself and collea- equalled the Riga, and discard all other. One object gue and reported from the judiciary committee beis to free us in this important marine article from all comes a law, it will have secured all the purposes of foreign dependence. Mr. Berrien rose to address the senate; but, the hour being late yielded to a suggestion to adjourn.And then the senate adjourned. these joint resolutions. On his motion, they were The Oregon bill, was then resumed. The Oregon bill resumed. Mr. Berrien, being entitled to the floor, addressed the senate at length against the bill, objecting to it both in principle and detail; and complimenting Mr. Choate and Mr. Calhoun on the views taken by them in their remarks on the subject. He contended that if all the glowing descriptions which they had of the country from the senator of Missouri (Mr. Linn) could be realized, and all that the most vivid imagination may paint, could be demonstrated, still there stood in the way an objection which was insuperable and that was, they could not carry out the provisions of the bill without an open violation of the pledged faith of the U. States by the infraction of the treaty of 1818. Mr. Linn replied. Such proceedings as this FEBRUARY 1. Mr. Buchanan presented a petition The bill in relation to expresses on mail routes and On motion the senate adjourned till the 30th. frauds on post office was resumed, and then amended JANUARY 30 Mr. McDuffie presented resolutions on motion of Mr. Henderson, and debated farther by from the legislature of South Carolina, remonstrating Messrs. Porter, Merrick, Woodbridge, Choate, Huntingagainst the tariff of 1841 as unjust and oppressive in ton, and Woodbury, and finally passed over for the its bearing. | morning, in order to resume the consideration of of Indiana. On motion of Mr. Kennedy, of Maryland, the first Tuesday of February was set apart for the consideration of the joint resolution in relation to reciprocal trade with foreign nations. Mr. Underwood, from the select committee on the subject, made a partial report with reference to steamboat explosions; and it was referred to the committee of the whole. Mr. Kennedy, of Maryland, from the committee of commerce, made a report accompanied by a bill, making provision for warehousing imported goods. The bill met with the unanimous approbation of the committee; but three of its members dissented from the report. The bill and report were referred to the committee of the whole on the state of the union, and ordered that five thousand extra copies be printed. The house took up the several pending questions in relation to the Exchequer. Mr. Pendleton, of Ohio, spoke for the hour, and alluded to the memorials from Cincinnati, in its favor which had in all about 1,200 signatures, and his respect for their character and opinions. Mr. P. was about soon to retire from public life, and with all his profound consideration for the memorialists, he now found himself after a full examination of the scheme, unable, from his convictions of its inexpediency, impracticability and unconstitutionality, to reconcile his vote to their wishes. Mr. P. then entered into an argument in support of his course, and showing the false hopes of amelioration that the scheme held forth, and his several objections to its main features. Mr. Wise next arose and replied to the remarks of Mr. Marshall, and in defence of Mr. Webster and the administration: and proceeded to show that the definition of a bank, as given by the gentleman from Kentucky, was fallacious, and drew a line of distinction between a government bank and a national bank, giving the preference to the former; for, in the first case, it was subject to repeal by congress, whereas the second was irrepealable. A national bank was for the profit and individual benefit of stockholders, trading on the government funds, but a government bank would be confined to the purposes of the government. He replied to Mr. Marshall as to the constitutional power of the government in regard to the finances. and took a ground precisely the reverse maintained by those who favor the establishment of a national bank. Mr. Atherton spoke in favor of his own proposition, and dissented from the views of the gentiemen who preceded him in debate. With regard to exchange, congress had no power-they might as well undertake to regulate the prices of provisions and freight. Such things should be left to the course of trade. Mr. A. defended the sub-treasury, and said that the people did not condemn it because it was such a scheme, but because they were lead to believe by misrepresentation, that it was a government bank. But the sub-treasury contained a provision making it felony to use the public moneys; and he challenged gentlemen to show that one cent had bec lost under this system. The government had lost je regretted that this was the case, yet, as an honest Mr. Proffit next spoke in reply to Mr. Atherton and against the sub-treasury, having concluded; Mr. Fillmore moved that the house adjourn. The house adjourned. FRIDAY, JAN. 27. The pending question on the exchequer (Mr. Cushing's motion to strike out the word "not") was resumed. man, after having fully and carefully weighed the a But the gentlemen had said that this was no bank, and had attempted to give them a definition of what bank was. He had said, to be sure, this performs the acts of a bank, yet it is no bank. Mr. F. had a definition of a bank which he had taken from Godard's work on the history of banking in the United States. He had taken his definition because it was more applicable to our institutions than the definitions to be derived from any writers on currency or political economy in Europe. Godard says: "In commercial language a bank is a repository, or an establishment, for the purpose of receiving the money of individuals, either to keep it in security, or to improve it by trafficking in goods, bullion, or bills of exchange; and it may be either of a public or a private nature." Air. F. wanted to pie here and say one word on this assertion that dhe president na. come to this house and asked to be relieved of the responsibility of taking care of the public treasure. How had he asked to be relieved? The law, as he had just shown, required the public treasure to be kept in the custody of the treasurer of the United States, and In regard to some of the objections which had declared that if that treasurer or any other officer of been brought against the report of the committee of the United States should loan or convert one dollar ways and means. The first, he believed, was, that of this public treasure to his own use, he should be it did not propose to provide any plan for the securi- deemed guilty of embezzlement, and be imprisoned Mr. Fillmore was entitled to the floor. Mr. F.ty of the public moneys. Now, this question had not exceeding five years. And what did this bill reafter a few remarks in vindication of the committee been argued on all sides as though there were now no commended by the executive propose? Did it proof ways and means and showing that the subject had provision for punishing embezzlers of the public pose to put this treasure in the hands of any other been allowed to be presented to the house in every money. We had the law of 1789, to which the gen-person than the officers appointed by the president? possible shape in which it could be presented to tleman referred, which declared that "it shall be the No. On the contrary, it proposed that a set of new their consideration, and to the fact that the execu- duty of the treasurer to receive and keep the mo- officers should be appointed either directly or inditive scheme had been in the hands of a committee of neys of the United States, and to disburse them on rectly by the president of the United States, and friends of the administration for two and a half warrants drawn by the secretary of the treasury," then to transfer this treasure into their possession. months at the last session, who themselves had aban- &c. Mark that, (said Mr. F.;) to receive and keep, And not only this, but to invite the hoards in the doned it, and reported a substitute of their own, and and only to disburse them on warrants drawn by the hands of private individuals to be deposited in the also that he had assented to the proposition to with- secretary of the treasury. What was there next as same place, for which the government was to be liadraw the word "not," so as to make it an affirmative to the medium in which the public dues should be ble, and over which the president, through his offiproposition, to which objection had been made by paid? We had the joint resolution of 1816, which cers, was to have control. Did that look like a dethe gentleman (Mr. Cushing), enquired what diffe- prescribed that they should be paid in gold and sil- sire on the part of the executive to get rid of this rence did it make whether the question was present-ver, in treasury notes, or in bills of specie-paying responsibility? Thrice did Mark Antony, upon the ed in an affirmative or negative shape? The ques- banks. Mr. F. wanted to know what more there Lupercal, offer the crown to Cæsar, and thrice did he tion now was a plain question, and if there were was on this subject in this famous exchequer, either refuse it, but (Mr. F. apprehended) with no such those among the whig party who at this day were as it came from the committee or as it came from feelings as those with which the executive came to prepared to say that they did not know whether the treasury department? Instead of calling public this house and asked them, through the gentlemen there was any limit beyond which they would not go officers to keep the public moneys, it called this who sustained him here, to relieve him from this rein conferring executive power, let that portion of board of exchequer. But, one of this board was the sponsibility. The president only asked that it should the party thus declare themselves by their vote on secretary of the treasury, another was the treasurer, be increased in a tenfold proportion-not only to this resolution. If ever there was one cardinal and three others were commissioners appointed in have control of all the revenues of government, but principle, which had bound that party together from the same mode. Therefore, if, as the gentleman had of all the private funds and all the banking operaits commencement, it was a united, unflinching, and remarked, this was one idea, and the various plans tions of the country. That was the way in which (as he supposed) undying resolution to oppose the were modifications of that idea, then gentlemen he asked to be relieved. increase of executive power in this government. would perceive that the system now in operation, That was the principle that had agitated the party which designated the treasurer as the officer to keep and the community in reference to the sub-treasury. the public money, was but a part of one idea, the But why could they not have paused at that interme-counterpart of which might be found in the plan rediate, half-way house, in conferring additional pow-commended by the executive, which provided for er on the executive? The sub-treasury, in all its five officers for the same thing. deformity--and it was bad enough, God knew-did But it was said that there was no security for the not compare with this hydra-headed monster, now public money now, and therefore that the committee presented in the shape of a government or treasury of ways and means had omitted to perform their bank. And were there those among them (asked duty. Let them look a little at the law, and then at Mr. F.) who opposed that, because they conceived it this treasury plan to give this additional security. yielded too much to executive power in this country, Gentlemen seemed to have forgotten, when they and who were now prepared to go beyond it, and not talked about the repeal of the sub-treasury by this only take what that was, but even all that the most house, that, the penal part of that act, intended to brilliant imagination conceived it could be in the secure the public treasure, this house never had had hands of corrupt men, and swallow it at once? If the folly to repeal. Whatever else this whig conthere were any who wished to preserve to them-gress might have done, if they had found any thing selves that privilege, let them do it by refusing to in the legislation of their predecessors calculated to vote for this resolution, or by voting against it as re- secure the public treasure, that thing they had reported by the committee of ways and means. For tained; and retained not only, but had added to its the purpose of explantion, Mr. F. next referred to penalties. And he wished to call the attention of that part of the report of the committee of ways gentlemen to the subject, which they seemed to have and means that spoke of the legislative power of forgotten, that there was now most ample, ay, most this country to control the appointing power. The penal provisions against individuals who should frauquestion presented to the consideration of the com- dulently use the public money. They were conmittee was simply this, whether it was in the power tained in that section of the sub-treasury act, and in of the legislature to control the power of removal as the second section of the act repealing that act. exercised by the appointing power. He begged | [Mr. F. here read the penal sections thereof.] leave to say, that, after a thorough examination of Were not these provisions penal enough to satisfy the debates in the first congress in reference to this gentlemen that the committee of ways and means question, and after a still more careful and critical had omitted none of their duty by not imposing great examination of the debate in the senate in 1835 on er penalties for the violation of official trusts? Was Here was a definition from one of the standard this all-important subject, he had come to the con- that a cause of complaint? If so, he would point writers of our own country which showed this exclusion, and he now avowed it here, (and he could not them to the provisions of the famous exchequer bill, chequer plan to be a bank. It was the definition of conceive of any sentiment in that report which war- and show them how that compared with the existing a writer on the subject who was disinterested, and ranted a different construction), that wherever the law on the subject, and that, instead of prohibiting so far might be relied on as having given the definipower of appointment was vested in the president the officer from loaning or using or embezzling the tion without prejudice. But Mr. F. did not rest the and senate, in that case the president and senate public money, he was expressly authorised to buy question here. It would be recollected that some alone had the power of removal. It had been said drafts from his friends or enemies, and in that way time since they had a long discussion in this house that it had been attempted by legislation to control to use the public money. He therefore asked whe- on the sub-treasury. The sub-treasury merely prothis power. On a subject of so much importance, ther the committee of ways and means had omitted posed to receive, transfer, and keep the public moon which there had such elaborate, eloquent, inge-any part of their duty to the country or the house,neys by public officers. This plan went altogether nious debate taken place, he was surprised to find when he had showed that these penalties for the that the very important bill introduced in the senate purpose of protecting the public treasure were amby Mr. Calhoun in 1835, which was intended to con-ple, and far better than those contained in the extrol this subject, was not to be found among the chequer bill? The gentleman had said: printed records of congress. He had searched for it "There existed now no Bank of the United States, in vain until he had found the manuscript copy of and very few specie-paying banks of any sort; so that bill as reported by the senator from South Ca- that now the public dues were received either in rolina, and the manuscript amendments made to it gold and silver or in treasury notes. The whole before it was reported to the senate; and he had subject was placed at absolute discretion in the found that the only principles in that bill were, first, hands of the treasurer, subject to the final discretion that it repealed the law that limits the tenure of cer- of the president. Under these circumstances the tain officers to four years, and then limited the ten-president came to congress and asked to be relieved ure of those officers till they should be found de- from this discretion-asked that congress would defaulters, (they all being receivers of the public mo-fine and limit it. Now, to an appeal like this from ney), and then required the president of the United the executive of this country, what did the commit-ver of which this project is introduced to us, and States, when nominating to fill such vacancies, to as-tee of ways and means reply? Their reply was, "no, sign to the senate the reasons that had caused the you shall retain this discretion; we will not relieve removal of the incumbents. This was the whole you from it unless in one specific way, and that only, substance of the bill as it passed the senate. It would viz: in the form of a joint-stock charter for a Bank be seen that there was no principle asserted in it of the United States. This was the point to which which limited the power of removal; and, however the house were now brought." Now, if this was a true definition of a bank, (and it struck Mr. F. that it was), it would be perceived that this exchequer came precisely within the definition of a bank. It was, first, an institution or repository for the purpose of receiving the money of individuals. This exchequer plan proposed a bank of deposite, for the purpose of receiving deposites from individuals, and either to keep them in security, (which it professed-and how far it might be able to carry out its professions could only be ascertained on trial-but it professed to keep them in security), or to improve them by trafficking in bullion, goods, or bills of exchange, and it was authorised to deal in bills of exchange" both by buying and selling them. beyond that, and was to receive and keep not only the public money, but the money of individuals. That did not authorise the dealing in bills of exchange, by buying or selling them. This did. It would therefore be perceived that this scheme went far beyond the sub-treasury in the features of a bank. Now he had the definition of a bank, which he desired to read to the house. It was made by a very distinguished member of this house, and they would be ready to assent to its correctness. It was headed "treasury bank," and the gentleman was speaking on the sub-treasury: "TREASURY BANK.-Notwithstanding the disclamations of any desire for added patronage, under conotwithstanding my unwillingness to suspect the president of insincerity in this matter, still I cannot exclude from my mind the conviction that a bank, a national bank, a national treasury bank, is "he be all and the end all" of the new experiment. We begin with a large issue of treasury drafts, having cir culation as a currency. We proceed with yet larger | The question on the resolution of Mr. Fillmore and, instead of applying to him by written message issues of treasury notes, expressly framed to be a was then taken and resulted in yeas 193, nays 18. for such information as they desired, to plant him currency. All these have got to be funded hereaf- Those who voted in the negative were: there, and question him, viva voce, touching the ter. Ultimately they may be of large amount. They NAYS-Messrs. Barton, Borden, Bowne, Green state of the treasury. This was an immense power, not only constitute in themselves the basis of a trea-W. Caldwell, Cowen, Cushing, Thomas F. Foster, and a very peculiar one: and it showed very plainly sury bank, but a sort of introduction to the use of Patrick G. Goode, Halsted, Hudson, William W. the purpose of the framers of the constitution to government paper as the paper medium of the coun-Irwin, Wm. Cost Johnson, Isaac D. Jones, Morris, render him amenable to the house as the great motry. Advocates of the new scheme admit that go- Rencher, Tillinghast, Thomas W. Williams, Win-ney power of the government. vernment paper is to be the alternative and the sub-throp-18. stitute for bank paper. The sub-treasuries themSo it was resolved that the plan of an exchequer selves, when they are put in full operation-drawing back and forth on each other, issuing and receiving presented to congress by the secretary of the treasularge sums of money, and still more frequently issu-ry at the last session of congress, entitled "a bill ing and receiving one kind or another of paper cre- amendatory of the several acts establishing the treadit, based on the government deposites will be a sury department," ought not to be adopted. genuine bank in every thing but the name." Mr. Burnell moved a reconsideration of the vote, Its "name" (continued Mr. F.) let us disregard; and then gave a gloomy picture of the financial state let us look at its "acts." [Laughter.] Now, who of the country and the expectations that the people was it that gave this definition of a bank? asked Mr. had of some relief to be devised by congress. He F. My honorable friend from Massachusetts, (Mr. was for seizing the chance, while it now presented, Cushing,)-[renewed laughter]-who now says that of doing something for its relief. Last session the this apocalyptic monster that has just come into whigs demanded, land and tariff, or no tariff. Now existence, this enormous government bank, is no it is bank, or nothing. He was not disposed, because bank, but that the sub-treasury was? Mr. F. was we cannot obtain all we ask, to despair of obtaining asked when this speech of the gentleman was deli- something. Unless some measure be now adopted, the vered? It was delivered in 1837, and would be found country may be thrown out of all expectation of rein Gales & Seaton's Register of Debates, 14th vo-lief till after the next presidential term; seven years lume, part 1st, pages 882 and 883. He did not know hence. Mr. B. having spoken, then withdrew his but he might instruct this house by reading a little motion for reconsideration. economy." This act had never been altered since its passage in 1789, and he thought it was likely to continue in force, at least until we got something better in its place: and though very probably there might, with advantage, some modification of it be adopted, he doubted if much improvement could be made on it. Compared with this statute what was the executive project? But the house had not only the solemn official recommendation of the president, with all the prestige resulting from such formal recommendation, but also the report of the secretary of the treasury in its favor; a certain celebrated speech had also been made in regard to it, of which so much notice had already been taken in the house, that Mr. I. would take the liberty of saying a word or two about it in his turn. It was the speech of the secretary of statea gentlemen who had been called here a giant, a Titan, a tiger, Vesuvius, Samson. Mount Blanc, all sorts of things. [Laughter.] As to his having been called "godlike," that was nothing to what Mr. I. further from this speech, because it contained some Mr. C. J. Ingersoll renewed the motion to reconsimust be permitted to style the hyperbolical panygood doctrines, and he was sorry that the gentle- der. Mr. I. conceived that the exclusive suggestion gerics which had been passed upon him on that floor, man had so much changed. There might be a management and control of the entire moneyed con- and which threw completely into the shade his merechange of circumstances that had led to the change of cerns of the country belonged to the house of repre- ly godlike attribute. This secretary had said, rasentiments, but it was strange that it should alter the sentatives, and with all his respect for the president, ther unnecessarily perhaps of himself, that if there definition of a thing, of a "fixed fact." [Laughter.] to whom he and his party owed much gratitude, he was any subject which he did understand, it was But the gentleman at that time had some good no- felt bound to oppose the scheme, even because it had this. Now, Mr. I. denied the position, or, with great tions on the subject of government paper. He says: in this case an executive source, and moreover too diffidence, he must say that if the secretary under"Government paper. We are to have a paper cur- because the executive so strenuously urged it. He stood it, (Mr. I.) did not, [a laugh.] He said he was rency, recognised by the government of the United hoped all the departments would yet harmonize on a bullionist. Mr. I. denied that he was bullionist, States, and employed in its dealings, but it is to be some measure or other for the settlement of the fi- or that any man could be, who would give to the exirredeemable government paper. This is the newest nance question. He considered the act of 1789 as ecutive, power to issue paper money not immediatenew humbug. The fever fit of gold money has had infinitely better than a United States bank, and, per- ly convertible into gold and silver. He denied that its day. That of paper money succeeds it. haps, as better than the independent treasury; and if "If the scheme were not too laughably absurd to there was a large majority who approved and could any man did understand the subject, be he Titan, or spend time in arguing about it seriously, if the mis-unite on its principles, as containing the basis of all tiger, or Vesuvius, or Samson, or any thing else, if he was for giving to the executive the vast power of chiefs of a government paper-money currency had the country wanted, all we had to do was to go back regulating the incalculable amount of the exchanges not had an out and out trial both in Europe and to that act, and we should get every thing we need- of this entire country. Instead of "the emanations America, I might discuss it as a question of political ed. Soon after the passage of that act a Bank of of a master mind," as they had been styled by some United States had been established. A resolution gentlemen, Mr. I. pronounced them to be cruditiesReally, (said Mr. F.) this reminded him of the had been brought into the house that the secretary of to be puerilities. Mr. I. here said, on all the little gentleman's remark the other day in reference to the treasury report a plan for securing and placing amount of character he could bring in support of the the committee of ways and means. He had said on a firm foundation the credit of the government, position, that no man who had thoroughly studied that they did not keep up with the spirit of the and that resolution was deemed as giving that officer the subject would or could thus express himself, untimes that there were new discoveries in banking sufficient authority to report to congress the plan of less he had made up his determination to carry a fawhich they had not thought of. This government a national bank. The consequence was, that that vorite measure over the heads of all those people bank, one would have supposed from the gentleman's bank had been for a long time the keeper of the with whom his ipse dixit was every thing. remarks, was a new discovery-a discovery of the public treasure, the regulator of the national curThe secretary said, and pledged his reputation present administration; and yet the gentleman had rency, and (as had of late been fully proved in the talked of it as an exploded theory five or six years history of the Pennsylvania bank) the despot of the upon it, that in a short time this project would reago. But the gentleman continues: government. Mr. I. was resolved to speak in per-lieve the country: and so it would no doubt of it"But I will not occupy the time of the committee fect truth and candor his real sentiments on this just as it would relieve Mr. I. of all present anxiety in this way. I am astounded at the fatuity of any subject. A state bank, the bank of Pennsylvania, if he should now take it into his head to get drunk. set of men who can think of such a project. Has had been formed under the auspices of a gentleman He should doubtless be a happy man-a very happy, Law's Mississippi bubble-have the bills of credit of high distinction, whose personal friendship, Mr. I. merry man, indeed: perfectly free from all care or of the colonies-has the continental money of the had had the happiness long to enjoy, and this, to- anxiety about the present or the future either; but confederacy-have the assignats of the French re-gether with the Manhattan bank in the city of New (as his friend the president of the temperance sociepublic imparted no warning lesson to the present ge-York, formed chiefly through the head of another ty said) he should "awake the next morning with a neration? It is notoriously, of all the means by distinguished man from that state, subsequently pre- most shocking headache, and all the remorse of a which a government can raise money, the most lia-sident of the senate, had been, as he understood, in- disordered stomach. [Alaugh.] There was no veble to abuse; of all currencies the most impossible tended to act by way of counterpoise to counteract ry profound wisdom, no evidence of vast and comto maintain comformable to any fixed standard of in some degree the excessive influence of the Bank prehensive knowledge, in suggestions such as these. value. We, in the time of the colonies and of the of the United States. The system had gone on in- They might, to be sure, be the suggestions of a mau confederation, did every thing we could do to give to creasing in all directions for years, until the country, who had read the book of old Vansittart on bullion, the paper of the government the qualities of money.as by universal consent, had nearly been banked to and some other such authorities; but they were no Did we succeed? You know that in spite of all go- its destruction. On the whole, he now said that, evidence of a thorough understanding of the subject, vernment could do or say to prevent it, our paper partly by the inherent vices of the banking system, nor of the grasp of a mind which would render a money went on perpetually depreciating in value, un- and partly by the convulsions of party, we were subject, usually supposed to be dark and complex, til a hundred dollars of it would scarce pay for thrown back upon the act of 1789, and a little rem- simple and plain to a common understanding. nant, besides, of the sub-treasury law making embezzlement felony. There we were. And now let us be cautious, very cautious, how we took a step in departure from this position. Let us look well what it was we went about to do. What did the president now recommend? A treasury bank; yes, a treasury bank. a breakfast." This, sir, (said Mr. F.) is the description of a government bank from the great advocate of that same institution on this floor. There were some other things to which Mr. F. desired to advert, but he was told that he had but a few minutes left, and rather than occupy that time if the house was ready, he would yield the floor. Our country, Mr. I. went on to say, was in a very peculiar situation; and he must confess that, under the extreme apprehensions which had been represented by the gentleman from Massachusetts behind him, (Mr. Burnell,) it was natural that people should look to congress, and should be disposed to think that congress would relieve them, if it could. And Mr. I. then expressed his opposition to any such therefore he had come with a determination patientMr. Giddings demanded the previous question. project of inordinate and reckless speculation, and ly to hear and carefully to weigh all that could be Mr. Thompson moved the whole subject be laid on said he did not believe the house had considered the proposed, come it from what quarter it might; and the table. By yeas 66, nays 141 the motion was ne-provisions of the act of 1789, with all the attention if he could see, in any measure suggested, a feasible gatived. The question recurring on the demand for they deserved. It created not only an independent prospect of relief for the country, to go in its favor. the previous question, Mr. Cushing arose and with- treasury, but an independent secretary of the treasu-He had seen none, however, unless it was the plan drew has amendment, thus leaving the resolution of ry too. It required him to report not to the presi- in the report of the gentleman from Massachusetts, Mr. Fillmore a negative proposition as it originally stood. dent, but to the house of representatives. And The question on the amendment of Mr. Atherton the secretary, in person, to the bar of the house, (Mr. Cushing;) he was not sure but that might, perhaps, give some relief; yet he was disposed to pause before he gave it his support. Because it was his belief that nothing short of the terrible suffering the country had endured could ever open its eyes to the shocking state of its financial affairs. He was inclined to think that could we but persuade them to keep the doctors off till the patient should have a little time to recover, it would recover. This he was convinced would be a much more promising mode of relief than any of the nostrums which had been, or were likely to be proposed, by those learned Thebans. All that legislation could do must look for its effect to a future day; but in the meanwhile the universal feeling awakened in all parts of the country would do, and was doing, every thing. Did gentlemen suppose that the country was to do nothing to help itself? Was it, indeed, under that universal dead palsy the gentleman from Massachusetts (Mr. Burnell) had pictured to the house a little while ago? Mr. I. did not believe any such thing. True, the influence of bank was immensely great still, and was disastrous every where; it smote with disaster to the right and left; but last season had been the most productive the country had known in many years-perhaps the most so this country had ever before known. Never had there been produced so much cotton, meat, tobacco, rice, and many other articles of consumption. [A voice: Yes; and what was it worth?] Mr. I. acknowledged that prices were low; but how were they to be made good again? Not by any treasury hocus pocus. No; and let us have the manliness to say so. Government could not do it. We must look to our mother earth, and to her eldest son, labor: they must do it; they were doing it; and in a short time it would be done. Mr. J. expressed his hopes that Mr. Webster would abandon all financiering speculations and devote himself to the commercial interests of the country and the duties of his department. He would be pleased to vote an appropriation to send him to England, for he was informed England was now not only willing but anxious to deal with us on terms of equality, to take our wheat, tobacco, corn, &c. on terms of entire reciprocity. Having concluded, Mr. I. D. Jones arose to explain his vote. A bank was his favorite scheme, but despairing now of it, he would go for a modification of the exchequer scheme, even for the obnoxious sub-treasury, rather than leave things as they are &c. Mr. Arnold was desirous of saying a few things to the house; because, as the secretary said he meant the godlike if there was any thing de did understand, it was this." He had studied it from his youth, and he wished to throw light upon it. [Laughter.] But, notwithstanding his pressing anxiety to discuss this question, and enlighten and amuse the house, too, in regard to it, after the vote which had been given this day, he should as soon think of pouring water on a drowned mouse as saying another word against the grand exchequer project of the noble secretary. Only eighteen negative votes; and of these eighteen gentlemen not one would say that he had given his vote because he was in favor of the exchequer. Mr. A. had listened, as he always did, with great interest | and pleasure to the gentleman from Pennsylvania, (Mr. Ingersoll,) who told them that the country was convalescent. The gentleman was right; so it was; but it had been the bankrupt law that had done it. Yes, that was the medicine-that was the panacea. We had used but one bottle, and the patient was convalescent already! Take five-let the bill remain for but five years and the country would recover entirely. With these views, he would now move to take up bill No. 548. [Roars of laughter.] Yes, that all-important bill; he did not lose the hope of seeing it yet adopted. He moved it, at all events, and he asked the previous question. After some hesitation, and after strong solicitation, he consented to withdraw the motion, and yielded the floor to This, Mr. Wise said, threw us again on the sea of Oregon. Mr. R. alluded to various successive reexperiment and exploration. After some further ports from committees in favor of the measure, to remarks, he concluded by renewing (according to his the letter of Mr. J. Q. Adams when secretary of pledge to Mr. Arnold) the motion for the previous state, and his message when president, and to Jeffer question. son's opinion on our unquestionable title to the terriBut, with consent of Mr. Arnold, he withdrew the tory. It was but six hundred miles from Council motion and yielded the floor to Bluff to the foot of the mountains, and but open a secure pathway and our people will be soon pouring over. If we delayed taking possession, the English foothold will have become too strong to be easily re moved. They had already thus wrested a piece of land from us in the northeast. Mr. Pope, who gave a brief explanation of how he should have voted if present, viz. against both the report of the chairman and that of the minority moved by Mr. Atherton, and expressed his faith in a bank of the United States as the best remedy for all our ills. Mr. Everett moved that the motion to reconsider be laid on the table. Which motion prevailing by a vote almost of acclamation, the motion to reconsider was laid on the table. And the house adjourned. SATURDAY, JAN. 28. Mr. Gilmer of Virginia, presented the following resolution which not being objected to, was adopted. Resolved, That the president of the United States be requested to communicate to the house, if not incompatible with the public interest, whether any information is in the possession of the government of the United States as to the negotiation of a treaty or of overtures to treat for the cession of California by Mexico to England. Mr. Underwood states that under a recent decision of the department, bounty land warrants could not be obtained unless the names of all the heirs children and grand children of the deceased, could be proved, who were entitled to land. For the purpose of avoiding future expense, trouble and difficulty, he moved the adoption of the following resolution: Resolved by the senate and house of representatives, That in all cases where a soldier of the last or revolutionary war who was entitled to bounty lands, has died without obtaining patent for the land, where application is made by a part of the heirs of the deceased soldier for the bounty land, it shall be the duty of the proper officers of the war and treasury departments to issue the warrant and patent in the name of the heirs of the deceased soldier, without specifying each, and the patent so issued in the name of the heirs generally, shall ensure to the benefit of the whole and such portions as they are severally entitled to by the laws of descent in the state or territory where the soldier resided. Referred to the committee on public lands. The committee here rose on motion of Mr. Fillmore, and the house then adopted a resolution limiting the debate on this bill to half past 3 o'clock. [Mr. Adams offered the following: Resolved, That the president of the United States be requested to inform this house by what authority and under whose instructions Captain Thomas Ap Catesby Jones, commander of the squadron of the U. States in the Pacific ocean, did, on or about the 19th of October last, invade in warlike array the territories of the Mexican republic, take possession of the town of Monterey, and declare himself commander of the naval and military expedition for the occupation of the Californias. Resolved, That the president of the United States be requested to communicate to this house copies of all the instructions given by him, or under his autho rity, to the said Captain Jones, from the time of his appointment to the command of the said squadron; also, copies of all communications received from him relating to his expedition for the occupation of the Californias; and also to inform this house whether or ders have been despatched to the said Capt. Jones recalling him from his command.] Objection being made they were not received. The house then again resumed in committee the consideration of the army bill, the pending question being Mr. Reynolds' amendment. Mr. Cushing thought this an inopportune occasion for Mr. Reynolds' motion and would oppose its adoption. He thought he could introduce it more appropriately on some other occasion than on the consideration of this bill. It was one thing to resolve formally to assert our right, as a nation, to the Oregon territory, and another to appropriate for this survey; the merits of the two questions were very diffe rent. In order to a regular formal assertion of our rights, it would be necessary, first, to give notice as to The house proceeded to the consideration of the the subsisting right between the two nations for the morning business, which was the bill proposing to re-joint use of the territory. This was an executive duty. fund the fine upon Gen. Jackson. Independent of that, there was another and a much graver question to be decided, viz: whether congress will grant rights to settlers in anticipation of the assertion of our right to the country; and if not, whether we would extend the jurisdiction of our courts over the territory in a manner analogous to what had been done by Great Britain, and also whether we would establish a line of forts along the tracks of emigration for the protection of those who should be on their way to settle. Mr. Payne of Alabama addressed the house until the morning hour had expired, in defence of the bill, and in reply to Mr. Botts. Mr. P. argued at length to prove that General Jackson was right in declaring martial law, and therefore that the fine ought to be paid. The speaker laid before the house several executive communications--one in reference to the different military districts of the United States, and another in relation to the progress made in the erection of the war steamer ordered from Messrs. Stevens.The report states that nothing has been done under the order of the house beyond the preparation of models. The bill for the relief of the Petersburg rail road which passed the senate, was taken up and rejected by yeas 55, nays 82. A large number of private bills were acted on, and after some miscellaneous business, the house adjourned. This was the true course of action, and very different from the narrow question of appropriating for this survey. Mr C. must therefore protest, if he should vote against the amendment now proposed, against his vote being taken as an evasion of the ground he had always maintained, viz: that it is the duty of this government promptly to assert and boldly to carry out its just rights to that territory.Such being the posture of the subject, he would en treat the gentleman from Illinois to withdraw his amendment. Its only effects would be to preju Mr. Wise arose and stated that had he been pre- MONDAY, JAN. 30. Mr. J. R. Ingersoll from the dice a cause which he could not have more at heart sent, he would have voted for Mr. Atherton's amend committee of ways and means to which had been re- than Mr. C. had. Let the gentleman reserve himself re-| ment, as he conceived that it admitted of something ferred certain memorials praying the issue of two for a more auspicious form in which to prosecute his far better than the "Independent or sub-treasury," | hundred millions of government stock, presented an ad- object. and that he would have voted against the isolated verse report thereto, concluding with the following: resolution of the committee of ways and means ne. Resolved, That it is not expedient to grant the praygativing the executive or treasury plan of the exche-er of the memorialists, and that the committee be quer, on various grounds, which he could not occupy | discharged from the consideration of the subject. time then, to enumerate-deferring his reasons to Mr. Pickens, presented a report from the minority the debate hereafter to take place in the committee of the committee, which concludes with the following Mr. Cross thought that the survey of the boundaof the whole on the state of the union on the plan of resolution, to be added as an amendment to the resory line with Texas would supercede, the necessity exchequer submitted by the select committee at the lution of the majority: of Mr. Reynolds' proposition. Mr. C. argued as if the last session. line of Texas extended along the 42d parallel to the Pacific. Resolved, further, That to adopt the recommendaMr. W. also referred to the indignation he had tions of the said memorials would be unconstitutionfelt in 1837 at the conduct of Mr. Cambreleng in re-al and dangerous to the harmony of the union. porting a mere negative resolution in regard to the The reports were then ordered to be printed. charter of a bank of the United States, and the Mr. Everett moved that they be referred to the warmth with which he had denounced it as a derilic- select committee appointed on the subject. This tion of duty. His feelings were the same now. In motion giving rise to debate, was ordered to lie reply to Mr. Ingersoll, after noticing the charge of that gentleman upon Mr. Webster of knowing nothing on the subject of our financial affairs, and the true remedy for the sufferings of the country, he said he should have been gratified to learn what the gentleman himself proposed? Mr. Ingersoll replied. The law of 1789 with some amendments. over. The army appropriation bill was then taken up and considered in committee of the whole; the question being Mr. Reynolds, motion for $20,000 for a survey from Council Bluff to the mouth of Columbia river. Mr. Reynolds thought there was a necessity for such a survey before attempting to take possession of Mr. Pendleton took similar ground. He had paid some attention to the subject, and was anxious that our right to the Oregon territory should be, without delay, asserted and maintained, but he was against the present amendment. Mr. Reynolds' proposed amendment was then rejected without a count. Mr. Roosevelt moved to amend the bill in the clause appropriating for the Military Academy at West Point by striking out the pay of the Cadets. Mr. R. supported his motion at considerable length. The nett amount of duties on imports the last three months was but two and a half millions, giving at the same rate but ten millions for the entire year. The amount from public lands, deducting two huudred thousand dollars for expenses and defalcations, was but one million, thus making our whole income but eleven millions. Last year our ex |