Gentlemen of the House of Representatives: It is particularly your province to consider the state of the public finances, and to adopt such measures respectting them as exigences shall be found to require. The preservation of public credit, the regular extinguishment of the public debt, and a provision of funds to defray any extraordinary expenses, will of course call for your serious attention. Although the imposition of new burdens cannot be, in itself, agreeable, yet there is no ground to doubt that the American people will expect from you such measures as their actual engagements, their present security and future interests demand. Gentlemen of the Senate, and House of Representatives: The present situation of our country imposes an obligation on all the departments of government to adopt an explicit and decided conduct. In my situation, an exposition of the principles by which my administration will be governed ought not to be omitted. It is impossible to conceal from ourselves or the world what has been before observed, that endeavors have been employed to foster and establish a division between the government and people of the United States. To investigate the causes which have encouraged this attempt, is not necessary. But to repel by decided and united councils insinuations so derogatory to the honor, and aggressions so dangerous to the constitution, union, and even independence of the nation, is an indispensable duty. It must not be permitted to be doubted whether the people of the United States will support the government established by their voluntary consent, and appointed by their free choice, or whether, by surrendering themselves to the direction of foreign and domestic factions, in opposition to their own government, they will forfeit the honorable station they have hitherto maintained. For myself, having never been indifferent to what concerned the interests of my country; devoted the best part of my life to obtain and support its independence; and constantly witnessed the patriotism, fidelity, and perseverance of my fellow-citizens on the most trying occasions, 8 VOL. II. it is not for me to hesitate or abandon a cause in which my heart has been so long engaged. Convinced that the conduct of the government has been just and impartial to foreign nations; that those internal regulations which have been established by law for the preservation of peace are in their nature proper, and that they have been fairly executed, nothing will ever be done by me to impair the national engagements, to innovate upon principles which have been so deliberately and uprightly established, or to surrender, in any manner, the rights of the government. To enable me to maintain this declaration, I rely, under God, with entire confidence on the firm and enlightened support of the national legislature, and upon the virtue and patriotism of my fellowcitizens. SPECIAL MESSAGE, FEBRUARY 5, 1798. Gentlemen of the Senate, and House of Representatives: I have received a letter from his excellency Charles Pinckney, Esq., governor of the state of South Carolina, dated the 22d of October, 1797, enclosing a number of depositions of witnesses to several captures and outrages committed within and near the limits of the United States, by a French privateer, belonging to Cape Francois or Monte Christo, called the Vertitude or Fortitude, and commanded by a person of the name of Jordan or Jourdain, and particularly upon an English merchant ship named the Oracabissa, which he first plundered and then burned, with the rest of her cargo, of great value, within the territory of the United States, in the harbor of Charleston, on the 17th of October last; copies of which letter and depositions, and also of several other depositions relative to the same subject received from the collector of Charleston, are herewith communicated. Whenever the channel of diplomatic communication between the United States and France shall be opened, I shall demand satisfaction for the insult, and reparation for the injury. I have transmitted those papers to Congress, not so much for the purpose of communicating an account of so daring a violation of the territory of the United States, as to show the propriety and necessity of enabling the executive authority of government to take measures for protecting the citizens of the United States, and such foreigners as have a right to enjoy their peace, and the protection of their laws, within their limits, in that as well as some other harbors which are equally exposed. SPECIAL MESSAGE, MARCH 19, 1798. Gentlemen of the Senate, and House of Representatives: The despatches from the envoys extraordinary of the United States to the French republic, which were mentioned in my message to both Houses of Congress of the 5th instant, have been examined and maturely considered. While I feel a satisfaction in informing you, that their exertions for the adjustment of the differences between the two nations have been sincere and unremitted, it is incumbent on me to declare, that I perceive no ground of expectation that the objects of their mission can be accomplished on terms compatible with the safety, honor, or the essential interests of the nation. This result cannot, with justice, be attributed to any want of moderation on the part of this government, or to any indisposition to forego secondary interests for the preservation of peace. Knowing it to be my duty, and believing it to be your wish, as well as that of the great body of the people, to avoid, by all reasonable concessions, any participation in the contentions of Europe, the powers vested in our envoys were commensurate with a liberal and pacific policy, and that high confidence which might justly be reposed in the abilities, patriotism, and integrity of the characters to whom the negotiation was committed. After a careful review of the whole subject, with the aid of all the information I have received, I can discern nothing which could have insured or contributed to success, that has been omitted on my part, and nothing further which can be attempted, consistently with maxims for which our country has contended at every hazard, and which constitute the basis of our national sovereignty. Under these circumstances, I cannot forbear to reiterate the recommendations which have been formerly made, and to exhort you to adopt, with promptitude, decision and unanimity, such measures as the ample resources of the country afford for the protection of our sea-faring and commercial citizens; for the defence of any exposed portions of our territory; for replenishing our arsenals; establishing founderies and military manufactories; and to provide such efficient revenue as will be necessary to defray extraordinary expenses, and supply the deficiencies which may be occasioned by depredations on our com merce. The present state of things is so essentially different from that in which instructions were given to the collectors to restrain vessels of the United States from sailing in an armed condition, that the principle on which those orders were issued has ceased to exist. I therefore deem it proper to inform Congress, that I no longer feel myself justifiable in continuing them, unless in particular cases, where there may be reasonable ground of suspicion that such vessels are intended to be employed contrary to law. In all your proceedings, it will be important to manifest a zeal, vigor, and concert, in defence of the national rights, proportioned to the danger with which they are threatened, SECOND ANNUAL ADDRESS, DECEMBER 8, 1798. Gentlemen of the Senate, and of the House of Representatives: While with reverence and resignation we contemplate the dispensations of divine Providence, in the alarming and destructive pestilence with which several of our cities and towns have been visited, there is cause for gratitude and mutual congratulations that the malady has disappeared, and that we are again permitted to assemble in safety at the seat of government for the discharge of our important duties. But when we reflect that this fatal disorder has within a few years made repeated ravages in some of our principal seaports, and with increased malignancy; and when we consider the magnitude of the evils arising from the interruption of public and private business, whereby the national interests are deeply affected, I think it my duty to invite the legislature of the Union to examine the expediency of establishing suitable regulations in aid of the health laws of the respective states; for these being formed on the idea that contagious sickness may be communicated through the channels of commerce, there seems to be a necessity that Congress, who alone can regulate trade, should frame a system, which, while it may tend to preserve the general health, may be compatible with the interests of commerce and the safety of the revenue. While we think on this calamity, and sympathize with the immediate sufferers, we have abundant reason to present to the Supreme Being our annual oblations of gratitude for a liberal participation in the ordinary blessings of his providence. To the usual subjects of gratitude, I cannot omit to add one of the first importance to our well-being and safety: I mean that spirit which has arisen in our country against the menaces and aggression of a foreign nation. A manly sense of national honor, dignity, and independence has appeared, which, if encouraged and invigorated by every branch of the government, will enable us to view undismayed the enterprises VOL. II. 8* |