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the Romish priesthood in Ireland could hardly fail of doing good, provided there was perfect accuracy in the statements, and it was printed in a plain and simple form, to come within the reach of all to purchase."

"I think such a document as your circular of the 7th instant makes mention of, will be both an interesting and valuable publication; but how far it will have influence over those persons on whom one would more especially desire its having effect, must, I should say, depend very much on the general line of argument which it takes up. If the priests are allowed very much to make out their own case against themselves, by copious extracts from their speeches, Romanist reports of their electioneering and other doings, no doubt many friendly Protestant (?) mouths will be silenced, and for shame be obliged to become dumbboth in and out of Parliament; but if, in addition to this, you draw in your publication some strong Protestant Association conclusions— (e. g., the wickedness and impolicy of the Bill of '29, and the necessity for its repeal, &c.,) and if the book or tract be generally characterised by this line of argument and spirit, I do equally believe that it will not have the result intended or anticipated, and may do harm by giving a handle to the so-called Liberal to retort about old Tory prejudices, and thus producing an unwelcome reaction. Your object, I apprehend, in such a publication, is to inform all minds, convince or convert hitherto hostile ones;-will not this object be the more readily accomplished by keeping as closely to facts, and drawing portraits, rather than conclusions, leaving the latter to the individual minds addressed in the publication? A full-length picture of the Father M'Hale tribe-as exhibited by themselves and their organs, the Romish press of the United Kingdom-drawn by no party limner, but by the veritable hands of their ownselves, would be quite repulsive, and telling enough in many quarters, without the necessity for the old labels being attached, to tell us who and what these good people really are. Pardon me for these possibly impertinent remarks. I offer them as the suggestions of an humble individual, for just what they are worth, which may turn out to be just nothing at all. Under priestly and Jesuitical domination, every Romanist Continental government is becoming more and more tyrannical. The new Austrian law against the importation of all foreign books, without especial license, is the last act of that power. Naples, Tuscany, even France, are completely priest-ridden; while in Rhenish Prussia, and Belgium, the same party are not unlikely to gain the ascendancy, by fomenting counter-revolutions, as they did in France, and then stepping into power over the social ruin they have themselves created. Spain's last move has been against the press. It is said that there will probably be no one journal published in Madrid, on account of the severity of the laws. Switzerland has long been distracted, and continues so to be by the same reactionary movements. In the land and fortress of Calvin himself, the Romish intriguers have effected one revolution, and are attempting another. Geneva is in fact either Infidel or Romanist. But a truce to this, one's pen might run on for ever.

“Believe me, sincerely yours,

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"By all means let all England know what the priests did at the late elections. I wish I had more money and I would help you that necessary article."

"I think the proposed record of the Popish priests delinquencies in Ireland would do good, showing the practical effects of Maynooth, and the hostile spirit of Popery to all freedom of opinion even in political matters.

"It would be calculated to strengthen the hands of all who are working against the active and aggressive movements of the Papacy, and especially Members of Parliament, on whose faithfulness and vigour in the coming session we mainly rely, under God, for any effective check being given to Popery. May God direct and prosper you!"

"I have only to wish success to your undertaking, which I think must be productive of much good to the cause. The more widely information is spread of the doings of Popery, and particularly on what is going on in Ireland, the better, for it is but charity to think that if better known thousands would entertain sentiments other than what they do on the subject. Pray put my name down for a dozen of your pamphlets: when out I will contrive to get them sent, and will desire some one to call. It appears to me that the priests in the violent steps they have, and are taking, are unconsciously playing our game. They are in all thoughts and actions under a strong delusion."

"Every one, I think, must agree that the proceedings of the Romish priesthood during the late Irish elections, ought to be exposed, by the publication of authentic facts. The cause of Protestantism would, I think, be most benefited by the information which your proposed volume could bring under the notice of the public. I do not know how you find it, but the greatest difficulty hereabouts is to procure attentive readers, the mind of the mass of men is so indifferent on the subject; and the details of Romish ways and doings are so very hateful and disgusting, that very few care to sicken themselves with the recital, and fewer still are disposed to believe them. And so, and so, and so, and by various other modes the Romanist is allowed to insinuate his deadly poison almost with impunity. However, the evils of the -system must be proclaimed, so that all may know them if they will, and therefore I shall be glad that the Church and the world should possess the information to which you refer, exhibiting as I am sure it will, the impossibility that any free institutions should exist in connexion with the Papacy."

"You ask my views and opinions with regard to what you propose. Nothing can be more desirable and nothing can be more valuable to open the eyes of the people of this country to the true state of Ireland: but what I feel most incompetent to give an opinion upon is, the most prudent mode of going about it. Your suggestion' is an admirable one."

"I desire to have two volumes of your forthcoming publication; I have near me a beneficed clergyman from Ireland, from him I hear of most disgraceful conduct of the priests."

"I highly approve of the publication of your work respecting the proceedings of the Romish priesthood during the late Irish elections. It is exceedingly desirable to impress the English nation with the fact that the Romish priesthood are not content with spiritual power over their enslaved congregations, but they are striving for temporal power also, and that not only over their own followers, but over the entire population of this country. Your intended publication must tend to prove this unquestionable fact."

"I instantly and heartily concur in the opinion that your proposed publication will be most seasonable and important; and I am happy that it falls into hands most capable from zeal and just views to do the subject justice.

"With the best wishes for your success, believe me your sincere fellow-soldier in so eminently important a cause."

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"In reply to your note, I consider that well-authenticated facts might be useful to illustrate the character of the Popish movement in Ireland."

"I consider it to be most desirable that the conduct of the Romish priests during the late Irish elections be laid before the public as much as possible, and that your intended work on the subject is likely to be useful and important. The depths of wickedness contained in the Papal system are by no means generally understood, and whatever unfolds them is to be valued."

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"I am very glad to find you are preparing for the press an account. of the proceedings of the Romish priesthood during the late Irish elections. I shall be very glad to forward this object in any way I can. Some valuable remarks might, I think, be culled from the 'Times' newspaper upon this subject, as the Editor has spoken out in unmistakable language against the system of terrorism adopted by the priests, and what comes from that quarter cannot be sneered at as the brayings of Exeter-hall,' but will tell with the public. I quoted the Times' on this very subject in the paper I lately sent to the Protestant Magazine,' on the Profligacy and Wickedness of the Romish Priesthood.' There is a remark in this paper of Mr. Mackay, a Roman Catholic barrister, which I think might be brought forward with great advantage in anything you may publish. I met with it some years ago in the Achill Herald.' In any publication you may put forth respecting the conduct of the Romish priesthood, I hope you will take occasion to expose the unwise policy adopted by every Administration of late years, to try and curry the favour of these priests, by a system of conciliation, which never has, and never will do any good. This feeling has been tried and boasted of long enough, but it has turned out a complete failure, as Mr. Spooner said.

in the House of Commons, 'the Government had endeavoured to conciliate those who were not to be conciliated.' It is this unwise and cowardly system of conciliation that has encouraged Romish priests in their course of systematic intimidation and encroachment; for a very little encouragement leads to a great deal of encroachment with these men. It is very desirable to strike the iron while it is hot; the whole country is now indignant at the outrageous proceedings of the Irish priests during the late elections. This is the time, therefore, to hold them up to the execration they deserve. If our leading statesmen can succumb to such men for the sake of their places, they seem to have reached the lowest state of human degradation.”

THE BIBLE, THE BEST WEAPON AGAINST POPERY. WHILE they had, in England, clever men, fellows of colleges, passing from the Church of England into Popery, they had thousands and tens of thousands in Ireland coming from Popery into the light of truth. (Applause.) The reason was this, that while the learned men in this country were forsaking the Bible and turning to the contemptible authority of men, the poor of Ireland had got the Bible in their own hands, and there was not a priest in Connemara, who could stand against a schoolboy with the Bible in his hand. Above all things he advised them to beware of that worst of superstitions, Protestant Popery. He read from the class-book of Maynooth, which stated that by the testimony of the Holy Scriptures, if an heretic would not renounce his heresy, he should be put to death. The next point to which he would draw their attention, was one in which they were now most deeply interested-the canon law of Rome; for they found, in the year 1836, that "Dens' Theology" was adopted by Dr. Murray and his suffragan bishops for directing the consciences of the people. Dr. Murray had got the canon law introduced as an eighth volume of Dens-the very law which they had denied before the Committee of the House of Lords, previous to the passing of the Emancipation Act, was the very law which now governed all Ireland. He would tell them what the other articles were. The first decree set forth the infallibility of the Pope. They had sworn that was not an article of their faith; but notwithstanding that oath, so soon as they got political power, they published a decree setting forth the infallibility of the Pope. So much for the truth and integrity of the Popish Bishops. The Queen of Portugal, herself a Roman Catholic, would not allow the Bull to be printed in her dominions: yet Cardinal Wiseman printed it secretly in this country, and as it was not reclaimed against by any of the Romish bishops, it became canon law. The fact came out the other day in Parliament, that the late Dr. Murray had been offered a seat in the Privy Council of Ireland, and it was to that man all the workings of Popery had been traced. The Rev. Gentleman read the oath of the Romish bishops, which showed that they were bound to the Pope before any other power. Cardinal Wiseman had acknowledged that the Papal episcopacy was appointed to carry out the canon law of

Rome, as vicars-general were not known for carrying it out. It was important for them to know how the Pope could carry out any of his laws in England. He carried them out by reserved cases, that is, there were certain sins which a priest could not forgive, which must be referred to the bishop: there were others which the bishop could not forgive which must be referred to the Pope himself. Thus the Pope got the consciences of the people of this country into his power. There was no civil power in England to compare with that power over the conscience. Dr. M'Hale said, the Bull was not printed in England because it was opposed to the civil power; but it had been printed in this country and their laws had been violated. (Hear, hear.) It was absurd to talk about the authority of the Pope being entirely spiritual. The cases referred to the Pope were absolved by an officer appointed by him for that purpose, and he could grant dispensations to regicides, and even for wilful murder: that crime which every civilized country punishes with death, and justly so. The murderer can even become a priest in the Church of Rome after this dispensation. What wonder that a man who could receive such dispensation should be sheltered, and nothing be done to extort evidence from those who have seen him commit the murder! The oaths of the Riband conspirators were nothing more than oaths to carry out the laws which the Papal governors had set up to govern Ireland. (Applause.) The fourth canon law was the law referred to in the code of Benedict XIV., and was extracted from the eighth volume of "Dens' Theology "—that bishops take care that all heretics are purged from the dioceses entrusted to them. That law was given for the destruction of the Albigenses, and was denied on their oaths by the Roman Catholic bishops, though that law was in force now in this country. Dr. Doyle said this law would be monstrous; and that it was enacted in that day because the Albigenses were dangerous men. If that law was in force it would deluge our streets and fields with blood; yet Dr. Murray, the late Archbishop of Dublin, signed the pastoral which put that law in force in the different dioceses. He was glad that they had the proofs of it in their universities. He believed the poor Roman Catholics were not the authors but the victims of these crimes, and they should treat them as such. With regard to Popery in England, he said the bull was issued for four purposes; to divide this country into dioceses; to appoint officers over them, those officers to carry out the Pope's laws, and to take local titles. He then referred to the sensation which was excited in this country by the introduction of the Papal Bull, the flame being greatly fanned by Lord John Russell's letter to the Bishop of Durham. It was the duty of the Prime Minister to have sent the foreign prince back again with proclamation. The Pope had no right to send a servant of his here to set himself up over our Sovereign and to excommunicate her. He asked why they allowed it? Because it was "civil and religious liberty?" Was it because a man might call treason "civil and religious liberty," that they should be so blinded as to allow it? There was an outcry in this country from the highest to the meanest, from the Prime Minister to the peasant, against the dominion of the Pope. The duty of the Minister

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