influence or them would leave the field free for Germany and adjust the balance of population and power in the actual life of Turkey. Hence German encouragement of the "Ottomanization" of speech, literature, and culture of the subject populations, and of the whole nationalistic movement of which two persons — - Tekin Alp and Ziya Bey-of alien race are the loudest voices. Hence the proved German connivance in the planned extermination of non-Turkish races executed upon the Armenians and only prevented by circumstances from execution upon the Jews, Greeks and Arabs. Would Germany stay her hand from Turks when she thought the time right?

It is this record and situation which underlies President Wilson's declaration to Congress on January 8, 1918, that one of the fourteen conditions of peace must be the liberation and autonomy of the subjectpeoples of Turkey, but also the equal freedom for selfdetermination of the Turks themselves. But how is this to be achieved, in view of German mortgage upon Turkey, of the economic rivalry between Germany and France, in Syria? How is this to be achieved in view of the English occupation of Mesopotamia and Palestine? How is it to be achieved in view of the fact that the unhappy and barbarous Turkish peasants and nomads of Anatolia are no less the victims of the Osmanli government then the Arabs and Greeks and Jews? How is this to be achieved in view of the diversified racial stocks and rivalries of the subject peoples? Is Syria to be subdivided on the lines of a nefarious secret treaty between the English and the French and with perhaps a chance for the Germans? Are the Osmanlis to be permitted to exploit the

Anatolian Turks? Who is to bear the burden of paying for the enormous German financial theft?

Clearly, if, as President Wilson insists, the interest of the peoples concerned have a prior claim on the attention of those who will readjust the world, the solution of the Turkish problem cannot be stated in terms of the old order at all.

Clearly, the way out of the Turkish as of the other problems is the pooling of all the conflicting interests of civilized finance with the interests of the uncivilized peoples on the middle ground of justice and fair play. It is obviously to the interest of the Chinese and the Ottomans and the Persians that their countries should be opened up and their resources developed. It is to the interest of the peasant investors of France and the small capitalists of England, Germany and the United States that this should be done. But it is not to their interest that it should be done on the basis of financial rivalries, demanding as as insurance the enormous armaments which eat up their profits in taxes, in the diplomatic establishments, demanding more taxes, and in the recurrent wars, which wipe out their profits. It is not to their interest that the development of the homeland should become stationary, which means in effect, decadent (as was the case with England and France, prior to the war) because it could not meet the competition of higher profits from investment abroad. It is certainly not to the interest of European labor that the higher profits should be due to the cheapness of life and labor in China and in India, and that its own advancement should be retarded by the investment of its fellow European's money in the backwardness of Asia and Africa. Nor can this

backwardness be to the interest of the trader whose prosperity varies directly with the prosperity of the customer. The only class that gains by this situation is the financial middleman, the banker. To the investor whose money he uses he pays only a fixed and limited rate of interest. Commissions, rebates, the earnings of promotion, the fruits of all the devices by which the financier plunders the investor, go into his own pockets. He pays least toward the military insurance of his operations and gets most out of it.

Now an International Commission on Undeveloped Countries would secure the essentials of justice and fair play. Its duties should be to define the principles of financial operations and control in such countries. It should replace the embassies and chancellories of the different countries in the dealings of finance with its charges. It should be made directly responsible to the International Council for the development of the peoples and resources of lands entrusted to its care. With the utmost regard for the political integrity and the democratic growth of its charges in self-government, it should fix rules for this development, establish rates of interests on loans, determine their size and limit profits. It should have power to license and to revoke the license of undertakings. Each undertaker should deal with the commission as an individual, regardless of nationality. Each should have precisely the same privileges of undertaking as any other individual, no more, no less. Each should have the same obligations. Toward the peoples and governments of these countries, the commission should have every responsibility of protection and guidance. Its powers should be extensive enough to embrace aid

in the establishment of democratic political institutions, modern education and sanitation, and all other instrumentalities which in the course of time would enable the countries to dispense with its guidance.

THE INTERNATIONAL COMMISSION ON EDUCATION

Among the many unprecedented operations of the war, not the least significant is propaganda. Indeed, propaganda has been a fundamental arm of battle. Its existence and use alone attest the spread of democracy, the importance that public opinion has assumed in the eyes even of those who despise the masses of men. For the economic interdependence of states renders imperative the retention of good-will as an asset for peace times. And the elevation and depression of emotion are the foundations of morale on which rest the strength to fight and to endure of armies and states. Propaganda is a net cast for both these goods. Beginning in Germany, it spread to the whole world. Today there is not an embattled country which has not its Bureau of Public Information.

Now the chief asset of propaganda is ignorance and its greatest effects come when it is single and without rivals. The Germans realized this long before the beginning of the war. They taught at home and abroad a false history which converted accident into purpose, climatic pigmentation into racial superiority and the afflatus of sentimentality into the force of will. That self-analysis and frank criticism, so diversely characteristic of the English and the French minds, they altogether lacked. Nor did the government permit them to achieve it. The schools, the theatres and the book shops were dominated by an unreflective

self-adulation of monstrous solemnity,' an egotism cultivated by the government with malice aforethought and its academic expressions rewarded as few humaner things. From Hegel to Houston Chamberlain the story was the same. German government, German Kaiser, German philosophy, German art, German industry, German science, even German aristocracy and German poetry were superlative, unique. For their habitation, which is the Fatherland, their ensemble, which is Kultur, and their incarnation, which is the Kaiser, Germans must die freely and gladly.

The world took all this pretty nearly at the German valuation. Americans admired, Englishmen feared. There was a core of solidity from which trailed the colossal tail of this comet of national vanity flaming in the skies of civilization. But just what it was, how it arose, whether it was durable, nobody took the pains to examine. War shocked admiration into horror and fear into combat, and opinion turned itself inside out, making of the comet's tail of a German ego a thing as black and foul as it had been bright. But again, very little was done, nor under the conditions of war, could more than very little be done, to get at the realities without which opinion goes shipwreck. The fight which German propaganda conducted against the disgust and repulsion that German conduct had aroused would have been a losing fight even had its weapon been the truth, but with a weapon all lies, what chance had it save to deepen the chasm between Germany and mankind? For a lie, given time enough, is self-defeating. Truth outlasts it, and sooner or

1 Cf. Archer: Gems of German Thought. Bang: Hurrah and Hallelujah.