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satisfaction of the several peoples whose fortunes are dealt with." There is only one instrument "by which it can be made certain that the agreements of the peace will be honored and fulfilled." This instrument is the League of Nations. Its constitution, hence, "and the clear definition of its objects must be a part, is in a sense the most essential part, of the peace settlement itself. . . . It is necessary to guarantee the peace, and the peace cannot be guaranteed as an afterthought." The League of Nations is, in a word, to be the insurance of mankind against assault and treachery, and this insurance must rest upon at least these five conditions:

First: The impartial justice meted out must involve no discrimination between those to whom we wish to be just and those to whom we do not wish to be just. It must be a justice that plays no favorites and knows no standard but the equal rights of the several peoples concerned;

Second: No special or separate interest of any single nation or any group of nations can be made the basis of any part of the settlement which is not consistent with the common interest of all;

Third: There can be no leagues or alliance or special covenants and understandings within the general and common family of the League of Nations;

Fourth, and more specifically: There can be no special, selfish economic combinations within the league and no employment of any form of economic boycott or exclusion except as the power of economic penalty by exclusion from the markets of the world may be vested in the League of Nations itself as a means of discipline and control;

Fifth: All international agreements and treaties of every kind must be made known in their entirety to the rest of the world.

The League of Nations, Mr. Wilson concludes, in sum, is to be The Structure of Lasting Peace.

In view of the economic and military rivalries which led up to the war; of the secret understandings and agreements made during the war-on the side of the democratic powers, at least, now frankly and happily repudiated; in view of the events of the war itself, no other conclusion was possible. It is the conclusion of the conscience of the world, expressed by Mr. Wilson with characteristic elevation of tone and perfection of form.

This conclusion is the theme of the present study. For the past year and longer a body of men of affairs, university men and journalists, mostly editors, have given themselves to the collective consideration of the economic and political relations between states and peoples in so far as these have been factors in causing, and must be dealt with in ending, this civil war. The League of Nations was inevitably one of the ways of relating peoples and states for the maintenance of peace on which research was to be undertaken and a report made. A committee, consisting of Mr. Ralph S. Rounds of the New York Bar, and the writer, were designated to organize and conduct an investigation, of which the result is the present monograph. Such virtue as it may be found to possess it owes to the relentless and patient analysis, the painstaking criticism made by Mr. Rounds of the proposals, evidences, and material brought together, collated and set forth by the writer. The faults are the writer's own. What

ever they may be, they are incident in an attempt to discover as conscientiously and impartially as we knew how, what, in the light of the history and the character of international quarrels, of past agreements and present purposes, of old institutions improved and new ones created, the objects and constitution of the League of Nations might be, the clear definition of which, the President of the United States has said, "must be a part, is in a sense the most essential part, of the peace settlement itself."

NEW YORK CITY

I October 1918

HORACE M. KALLEN

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