always think of Americans as the most kindly and warm hearted of people. [Great applause.]

Still a man's public service must come to an end some day, and I have had nearly thirty-four years of it-spent almost continuously out of my country. Since I sailed for the East in January 1873 I have spent only one complete year in England.

I once heard an American Ambassador who was being received after his return from abroad end his speech with the words, addressed to the galleries as well as to the floor, "I love you all and I believe you all love me." [Great applause.] He is a happy man who can say that to a great gathering of his country people, or to any great gathering of Americans, even if they are not his country people. I know that I have not earned the right to say it to you. [Great applause, and cries "you have.'] But I do ask you to believe that in spite of all shortcomings on my part, and they have doubtless been many, no Englishman ever came to this country, or left it, with heartier good will towards America. Every man who really knows me, and there are some here who do, knows that it is

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I told an audience of my countrymen a few days ago, and I repeat it to you, that my regret in leaving America is tempered by one great satisfaction, the belief that at no time since the War of that Revolution has the feeling between the two countries been as friendly as it is now. [Applause.] I am not going to dwell upon the subject at length. People who are really good friends do not need to talk much about it. Nevertheless while I feel this I feel also that the old era of misunderstanding and prejudice is passing away, and that it is right to recognize the fact and rejoice in it. Do not mistake my meaning. Do not suppose that I wish to claim a particle of credit for it. An Ambassador can do little at best to bring two countries together, and in three years, however good his intentions, he can do practically nothing. I am merely stating what I believe to be a fact--due to causes wholly independent of me. But in leaving America with regret-a regret amounting to sorrow-I do leave it with one great satisfaction, the assurance that between our kindred nations all is well. [Great applause.]

THE PRESIDENT.-Gentlemen, our next regular toast is the "Senate of the United States in its relation to Good Government." In looking over the history of the United States for the last thirty or forty years I was astonished to find how closely identified with the progress and success and prosperity of our nation was the name of Mr. ELKINS. He is a truly progressive Senator. He is a good representative of that great interest, industrial and mercantile, which now seem to be controlling the country. We all consider Senator ELKINS one of us. He is a gentleman whom we all respect and honor, and I have no doubt that in his reply to this toast which I have read you he will give us some enlightenment, and tell us what

he thinks the United States Senate ought to do. I have great pleasure in introducing to you the Honorable STEPHEN B. ELKINS, Senator from West Virginia. [Applause.]

SPEECH OF THE HONORABLE STEPHEN B. ELKINS, SENATOR OF THE UNITED STATES FROM WEST VIRGINIA.

MR. PRESIDENT AND GENTLEMEN OF THE CHAMBER OF COMMERCE: In the first place, I want to make a candid confession. When I was honored by the invitation to attend this banquet by your worthy President, for which I now express my thanks, I was asked in the invitation to make a brief address upon some subject that I might select. Some time after that I received a telegram from your Secretary stating that it would be agreeable to the Chamber to have me respond to the toast just mentioned by the President, and I did not get hold of this telegram until about two days ago. I had prepared, or tried to prepare, an address upon the extension of our commerce in the southern countries, about which our distinguished Secretary of State is now speaking in the West; I felt however this was an opportunity to say something for the Senate, and so I set about and have just finished preparing the few words I have to say to you to-night. I felt that this explanation was due the members of the Chamber of Commerce, by way of apology, for having to read, as we do in the Senate, my speech.

I am asked to say something of the United States in relation to good government. I could talk about its century of existence, but I note this is the One Hundred and Thirty-Eighth Annual Banquet of this ancient and honorable body, which was organized in 1768, and can boast of more than a century's service to this wonderful city and the country. In point of age the Chamber of Commerce of New York outranks the Senate about twenty-one years. In the few words I may say of the Senate I am sure I will tell you things you already know, but a simple statement of familiar facts seems necessary to the conclusion I will try to draw.

The Senate of the United States, in its own time and in its own way, performs its many and arduous duties. After mature deliberation, it acts on all questions that come before it, and then leaves the record it makes to speak for it and for the judgment of mankind. In this way the Senate has spoken for a hundred years, and in no other way does the Senate speak for itself. The Senate needs no word of defence, nor ever has with well-informed, loyal and true Americans.

The Senate was organized on the 6th day of April, 1789, and in law and fact has been the same body and a continuous organization since that date, and will remain organized and the same body as long as the Government endures. Two-thirds of the members of the Senate are always in office, and there is never less than a majority ready for duty.

The methods of procedure of the Senate are simple, orderly and dignified. One moment the presiding officer pronounces the Senate

adjourned sine die, the next moment the presiding officer announces the Senate will be in order, and it proceeds at once to the dispatch of business. No interruption, delay, or friction ever occurs from the election of officers. The President of the Senate is not a member of that body and not elected by it, but by the people.

Men are sifted and weighed in the balance before they reach the Senate. For the most part the Senate is made up of men beyond middle age, tried, matured and full of experience. There are six Ex-Governors on one of the leading Committees of the Senate. The period of a Senator's official life is three times that of a member of the House of Representatives, and one and one-half times longer than that of the President. Senators are ambassadors from sov. ereign States and speak for States as well as the people, while the House speaks directly for the people.

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In the Senate there is no limit to debate except by unanimous consent. It is the one legislative body in the world where member can be heard on every question and as long as he wishes. [Laughter.] Naturally and wisely the Senate moves slowly. It takes time for the consideration and the discussion of all great questions. It cannot be hurried into taking action, reaching conclusions or making decisions. It has been well said:

"The Senate is a school, the world's history its text-book. The record of a single day's proceedings frequently shows a range of work as wide as Christendom."

The Senate has extraordinary powers, the most varied and the greatest of any legislative body on the earth. It combines legislative, judicial and executive functions. In matters of legislation the Senate acts with the House and the President, and is purely a legislative body. In acting on appointments to office and making treaties, it joins the President, and to this extent is executive. In the trial of impeachments it becomes a high court-a judicial body. The Senate cannot make a treaty nor an appointment to office, but it can prevent both. Certain appointments to office must be made with the advice and consent of the Senate, and all treaties must have the approval of the Senate by a two-thirds vote, and then they become the supreme law of the land. The Senate is the keystone in the arch of the Republic.

In some quarters, and amongst those not well informed and who do not know the Senate, it seems fashionable to talk about the decadence of the Senate. The decadence of the Senate can only follow the decadence of the people, and would mark a backward movement in their social condition, morals, intelligence and integrity. So long as the people grow in virtue and intelligence, live in an advancing civilization and under a free government, there can be no decadence in high places, but, instead, an everincreasing virtue and a loftier sense of duty in our public servants. We are apt to think and say that the present is not equal to the past in all good things, in patriotism, ability and purity, and that our greatest men belong to the past, but when the time comes the present finds some one to take the place of the greatest that has fallen. The present always has this satisfaction it will soon become

the past to those who come after us. We have giants among us, but they do not always make themselves known, nor do we always know them. The full measure and stature of LINCOLN and GRANT were not known by those who knew them best, and are not fully known yet. The hour produces the man. Great men come forth when great things are to be done. This is the experience in the business affairs of this great City, in banking, railroading, law and other callings.

The debate on railway rate legislation at the last session of Congress discovered to the world great men and great Senators. This debate will stand as one of the ablest ever had in the Senate, some say the ablest.

The Senate demands men of ability, experience and character. The world is advancing in intelligence and virtue, mankind is growing wiser and better, and so long as this continues, and we enjoy the blessings of liberty under our present constitution, the best men will be chosen for high places.

Although the Senate. does not respond to popular passion or clamor, it has not failed in a hundred years to reflect the mature judgment and well ascertained will of the people and put it into enduring law.

And here I may name one of the advantages of an unlimited debate, where every Senator can be heard and speak as long as he pleases. In times of great excitement or intense interest in public questions debate in the Senate can be prolonged until there is full discussion by the people and in the press, until the truth be learned and the people be heard from. The Senate then can act intelligently and respond to the will of the people, which it generally does. This is one of the great safeguards in our institutions which we enjoy at the hands of the Senate. [Applause.]

The continuity of the Senate, its permanent organization, and its conservative character insure confidence and respect for its proceedings at home and abroad. In times of excitement and aroused passion, in peace and in war, next to the Supreme Court the Senate is the sure refuge and the safe reliance of the people in preserving their liberties, and in all crises proving the surest guarantee of the fortunes and destinies of the Republic.

The assembling of such powers and the exercise of such functions in a legislative body made up of able and mature men, in a free country must insure good government, wise laws, and the protection of the people in their lives, liberty and property.

GEORGE F. HOAR, one of the greatest men that ever adorned the Senate, and one of the kindliest, sweetest and purest souls that ever dwelt in flesh, speaking of the Senate, said:

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"It is here only that the freedom of debate is secure. in arms are common to all nations. But the greatest victory of constitutional liberty since the world began are those whose battle ground has been the American Senate and whose champions have been the Senators, who, for a hundred years, while they have resisted the popular passions of the hour, have led, represented,

guided, obeyed and made effective the deliberate will of a free people." [Applause.]

THE PRESIDENT.-Gentlemen, last year we had the pleasure of welcoming here at our banquet the Rev. HUGH BLACK, of Edinburgh. He was then a Scotchman. We welcome him to-night as a Scotch-American, [applause,] for he has cast his lot with us. for the betterment of the youth of our country. There is something in this world to teach our young men besides the simple material things that come day by day. Our young men in the past have been taught that honesty is the best policy; they have been taught that by honoring God and obeying him they were pursuing the great way to success in life. Now, I am not a pessimist, but I really think we are departing from the good old ways, and that we ought to bring before the young men of this country something that is higher and nobler than the simple material things of life. [Applause.] HUGH BLACK comes to this land to give the services of his great talents and ability in the cause of our seminary teaching, of our college teaching, and to inspire the young men of this land with an appreciation that there is something to be sought for and something to be done besides thinking of ourselves, and that there is no teaching in this world that can accomplish the results that spiritual teachings can accomplish. [Applause.] I am a great believer myself in religion. I want to see it have the forefront in our politics, in our finance and in our education. Religion makes commerce secure; commerce follows religion. And where you can have the religious life comes the commercial life founded upon fair dealing; and, as President RoOSEVELT says, "A square deal." The Rev. HUGH BLACK comes to us to-night full of this desire—to do good to the young men of this land, and in doing good to the young men he is sure to do good to the older men, and I think we are all going to be benefited by his coming with us. I therefore have great pleasure in introducing to you to-night the Rev. HUGH BLACK, who comes from a most exalted station in Edinburgh, and he will speak to us from the toast, "Religion and Commerce."

SPEECH OF THE REVEREND HUGH BLACK, d. d.

MR. PRESIDENT AND GENTLEMEN OF THE CHAMBER OF COMMERCE: I often hear of late days much about the many problems that are before this generation in America. We are fond of speaking of our many problems, and chief among them is the problem you call the problem of immigration. When I hear it discussed (and I cannot help hearing it discussed) I am inclined to