that are read, to any considerable extent, are those short, pithy reports made for distant papers and sent by telegraph. The enterprise of the public press furnishes all that is important to be known, and their competition will continue to do so. This reporting and printing is unauthorized by the Constitution.

15. The fancy work done for the Government occasions much expense. The public probably are not aware that on the public grounds at Washington there is a somewhat expensive fancy building, erected at public expense, for the purpose of photographing, where money is uselessly and unprofitably spent. These expenses grow mainly out of the vanity of those engaged in our public works. Those in power should promptly stop

them.

16. The people are not aware that horses and carriages are kept and used by some of the heads of departments and bureaus, and especially by military officers, at the expense of the Government, which saves them the expense of keeping such things for themselves, or hiring hacks, or going on foot, like other people. This, though not a very expensive abuse, is a glaring and growing one.

17. Certain heads of departments keep military sentinels at their doors and vicinity. Unless it is an important object to display their want of courage, this is certainly a useless expense, and should be discontinued. Democrats have never had occasion for such guards.

18. Members of Congress accumulate, while at Washington, immense quantities of books, documents, etc., which they desire sent home. These are now boxed, and sent off at the expense of the Government, if it does not pay the transportation, which is probable. Where the authority is to do this, no one can tell.

19. Our custom-house establishments cost vastly more than is necessary, growing mainly out of paying a large number who really render no service, or none that is of any use whatever. These abuses can easily be corrected by the collectors, naval officers, and surveyors, and the Secretary of the Treasury, by which hundreds of thousands of dollars can be saved annually.

20. The great source of Government expense is occasioned by

Congress providing and requiring the use of a currency the common depreciation of which is about forty per cent. This necessarily increases the expenses of the Government at a corresponding rate. Nearly all salaries have been largely increased in consequence of it, including the pay of Congress, which has been enlarged from three to five thousand dollars per annum. The expenses of the army and navy have been increased in a like ratio. The prices of labor at the navy-yards, on public buildings, and elsewhere, have increased at about the same rate with the depreciation of the currency. But Congress takes no step toward diminishing, but many to increase this evil. At least one-third, if not more, of the expenses of the Federal Government is occasioned by using depreciated paper.

We might extend this list of abuses to an almost indefinite extent, but these instances are sufficient to put thinking men on inquiry, and to induce reformers to act, if we have any who dare grapple with abuses under which Government is reeling and staggering.

These abuses have their origin in anti-Democratic principles, and are destructive of that equality, protection, economy, and purity, which form a part of the Democratic creed. They will continue until the people rise in their majesty, and command and enforce reform.

90.-ADMINISTRATION OF JOHN TYLER.

The administration of Mr. Tyler was crowded with extraordinary events, a full history of which would fill a large volume. For the first time, a Vice-President had become President under the Constitution. Harrison had been sworn in as President on the 4th of March, 1841, and died within a month, during which, under the promptings of Mr. Clay, he had issued a proclamation, convening Congress on the 31st of May. Although Mr. Tyler had called the attention of Congress to the various subjects he deemed suitable for their attention, Mr. Clay, in resolutions offered in the Senate, rather imperiously announced what ought to be attended to. A repeal of the Independent Treasury, the incorporation of a national bank, and the distribution of the

moneys derived from the sales of the public lands, to aid the States in paying their debts, were the leading objects. A bankrupt law was proposed by his friends. Both Harrison and Tyler had been Democrats; and, in 1819, had taken grounds in favor of a judicial repeal of the charter of the United States Bank. But both had become Whigs, and were expected to approve whatever a Whig Congress should do. Mr. Tyler, in his message, had confirmed this expectation. Bills were reported for repealing the Independent Treasury, for chartering a bank, for distributing the proceeds of land-sales, and an insolvent law, under the name of a Bankrupt Act, and all were passed by Congress. The Bank Act was alone vetoed by Mr. Tyler, who objected to some of its provisions. A second bill, with these modified, and an altered title, was passed; but this was also vetoed. This created a breach between Mr. Tyler and the Whigs who had elected him. A third Bank Bill was reported by Mr. Cushing in the House, but was never acted upon. From this time until 1863, when Mr. Chase was Secretary of the Treasury, a period of twenty-two years, the bank question slept, with no attempt on the part of the antiDemocrats to waken it; Mr. Webster saying it was an "obsolete idea." The approval of the repeal of the Independent Treasury, and the Land Distribution Bill, rendered it impossible for the Democrats to sustain Mr. Tyler beyond the specific acts which they approved. A tariff bill, fixing the rate of duties at twenty per cent., and regulating the free list, was passed and approved. This special session resulted in pleasing neither party. The Whigs had carried three measures the repeal of the SubTreasury, and passing an Insolvent Law and Land Distribution Bill; and the Democrats rejoiced at the defeat of the Bank Bill. But both parties had their complaints. At the annual session, commencing in December, the Bankrupt Law and the Distribution Act were repealed by the Congress that enacted them; and in 1846, the Independent Treasury Act was reenacted, and still remains, though somewhat damaged by Mr. Chase's National Bank Law, authorizing the using the banks established under it as Treasury depositories.

At the annual session Congress was informed of the deplorable

condition of our finances, we having neither money nor credit, and debts were heavily pressing upon us. The remedy was plain to those whose sight was not bewildered by collateral objects. A tariff increasing the rate of duties and the restoration of the land moneys to the Treasury would soon produce the desired relief. A Tariff Bill raising the duties above twenty per cent. and continuing the land distribution after a certain day was passed and vetoed by the President, on the ground that it violated the Compromise Act of 1833, and continued the land distribution. A second bill, somewhat modified and changed-more in words than in principlewas passed and also vetoed. By the terms of the Land Distribution Act, the distribution was to cease whenever duties above twenty per cent. were levied. A third Tariff Act, raising duties above twenty per cent., and saying nothing about distribution, but in effect killing it, was passed and approved by Mr. Tyler. In this controversy, Mr. Tyler was struggling to preserve his consistency in regard to the Compromise Act, and the Whigs to do the same to save their distribution measure. Surrounding circumstances and the condition of the Treasury compelled both to yield. This last Act was carried by the aid of Silas Wright and a few other Democrats, who, although the rate of duties was unsatisfactory, saw in the bill the destruction of the land distribution, and felt it a duty to supply the Government with the means necessary for its existence.

It has been charged that Mr. Tyler saw that Mr. Clay would be nominated as his successor, and felt stung by his overbearing and dictatorial course, and he therefore sought, by his peculiar course, to build up a separate party for himself, hoping to be made his own successor. The evidence in favor of this theory satisfied Colonel Benton of its truth, as he states in his "Thirty Years in the Senate." If he entertained such views, he was disappointed in the result. His course was such as fully to satisfy neither party, and as there can be but two sides to any question, there was no ground for a third party to organize or stand upon, and hence he was disappointed if he expected to build up one. Instead of rising politically, Mr. Tyler sank down, and had few supporters in Congress and fewer elsewhere, except those in office.

If he had remained with the Whig party, he would have suffered much mortification at the domineering spirit of some of his friends, and been forced into subordinate relations. Had he joined the Democrats, after approving the land distribution and the repeal of the Independent Treasury, he never could have commanded their respect and confidence. It was fortunate for that party that he did not return to it. They could not rise under the weight of his inconsistencies.

Personally, Mr. Tyler possessed many good qualities. He was benevolent, kind, and warm-hearted, and without greediness for money, or a disposition to trench upon the rights of others. He possessed some qualities that unfitted him for the presidency. He was careless, indolent, easily persuaded to any thing, where old Virginia doctrines did not point out the contrary way. He was not prompt nor firm like those governed by inflexible principles. If Virginia had fully settled the question, he was ready to conform to it, but even then he was not always firm and immovable, but often drifted. On other questions he was apt to follow the course of an easy mind. The natural promptings of his mind were such as mankind could approve. The errors came in when he attempted to control his natural impulses and yield to those of selfish calculation. The attempt to limit him in the enjoyment of privileges which had been permitted all other Presidents has left more salutary enactments on the statute-book than were made in the same length of time since the repeal of the Alien and Sedition Laws. Mr. Tyler was born March 29, 1790, and died January 17, 1862. He went with the secessionists, and was a secession member of Congress when he died, showing that he had outlived all the Democracy he ever had.

91.- JAMES K. POLK, HIS ELECTION AND POLITICAL PRINCIPLES.

The late civil war has prevented the preparation, by an eminent biographer in New York, of a complete work on the Life and Times of Mr. Polk, which his sudden death prevented his preparing. Born and educated in North Carolina, he early became an adopted son of Tennessee, reading law with Felix Grundy.