spring, refused to vote for Brownlow & Co. We suppose, under the law, when properly construed, not fifty voters could be found in this county out of 2,600 voters. Some 300 or 400 have been registered for the election next Thursday-mostly those who felt bound to take any oaths required to enable them to do business for the support of their families." This is the condition of things in Tennessee, where the Constitution and laws were once respected and obeyed. It shows that, where Congress and the Republican party rule, whether reconstructed or not, there is no respect for the laws or security for persons. If every State South were to become reconstructed under existing laws, as construed by Congress and nearly all the military authorities, things would not be essentially improved, and many would be made far worse. Degradation and misery would be the rule, and peace and happiness the exception.

118.-CONGRESSIONAL CAUCUSES.

From the times when the calkers, as they called themselves, met privately near the Boston ship-yard, in Revolutionary times, caucuses under some name have been held to select candidates and concert plans to aid in their election, and without objection. But public meetings are more dignified, and command greater respect. A free and independent citizen has a right to resort to either mode or both. He represents only himself, and binds nobody. In the old congressional caucuses to nominate candidates for the presidency, those attending did so in their individual and not in a representative capacity, and their acts bound no one, nor did they have relation to making laws. Meetings to select candidates to be supported for officers of a legislative body are unobjectionable; but, when a member acts in his representative capacity, and in relation to making laws, the case is wholly different. His constituents elected him to represent them, and upon the strength of his own judgment, and not as an instrument in the hands of others, to carry out theirs. They expect him, if in darkness concerning the requirements of the Constitution and the principles of right, to seek light to aid him in forming conclusions, but not to accept the will of others as the rule of his ac

tion, binding himself to follow it. No one votes for a representative in either House of Congress whom he supposes has not the capacity to form an opinion of his own upon all legislative subjects, and will and firmness enough to act in conformity with it. No one convassing for either office ever gave out that he would follow a leader, or be bound by proceedings of a secret caucus. Should one do so, his hopes would perish beneath a weight of contempt and ridicule. A representative has no right, under his oath of office, to bind himself to obey the will of others, right or wrong. His duty is to represent his constituents, and not other members, who do not represent either themselves or their constituents.

For some years past these principles have been violated by the Republican members of both Houses of Congress. There have been members of that party who have failed to act out their own convictions of right, and have yielded their matured opinions, and conformed their action, to the dictation of caucuses held in secret. Ever since the Republicans have been in the majority in Congress the leading measures adopted by that body have either originated in, or been considered and adopted by, a secret caucus of Republican members, where the rule that the majority shall govern and the minority shall obey has existed, and been rigidly enforced. Men, whose judgments did not consent, have yielded obedience to the majority, for fear of losing caste in their own party, and being left out at the elections. The various Reconstruction Bills, the Freedman's Bureau Bill, the Tenure-of-Office Bill, the pending amendments to the Constitution, the resolution to distribute national arms to certain States, the propositions for impeachment, were all first agreed upon in secret caucus, where the duties were assigned to those who were to be the leading actors. Those most swayed by passion and who are most reckless, not only threaten, but apply the lash to carry their points. There is a large number in the Senate, and some in the House, who inwardly condemn the course pursued, but dare not violate the edicts of King Caucus. Speeches have sometimes been made against bad measures, and those making them forced by caucus to vote against their own speeches. An instance of this

occurred when a late Senator from Vermont made and published an unanswerable speech against confiscation, and then voted for it. Several instances are known when the talk was one way, and the vote the other, in accordance with caucus dictation. Under this system, now enforced, members cease to be free and independent, and become the slaves of party leaders, who require obedience. Probably not one of the bills which Mr. Johnson vetoed would have finally passed but for this secret congressional caucus system. Had it not existed, the Union would have been restored without the needless, unequal, and oppressive forms of reconstruction projects introduced through the malign influences of the military and Freedmen's Bureau, which have been wielded for political effect, in aid of Republican ascendency. Ten States, which stand admitted by the laws of Congress, are denied their constitutional rights through the agency of Republican congressional caucuses managed by political wire-pullers and their allies.

119. THE FREEDMEN'S BUREAU.

From the manner of conferring freedom upon the Southern negroes, men who understood their condition, qualifications, and characters, predicted they would not be able to take care of and provide for themselves, but that very many would perish from want. The voice of reason and wisdom was unheeded, and the negroes were thrown upon the world, to manage for themselves, on the 1st of January, 1863, as far as Mr. Lincoln's proclamation of freedom could do it. On the 3d of March, 1865, Congress, admitting that the prediction had proved true, passed an act, establishing a Bureau of Refugees, Freedmen, and Abandoned Lands, providing a commissioner and assistants, placing the whole under the control of the War Department. It authorized the issuing of food, clothing, and fuel to refugees and freedmen, and the division among them of all abandoned lands; and the act was to continue uutil the end of the war, and one year thereafter. Where Congress found authority to feed, clothe, and warm the refugees —who were they?—and four millions of negroes, is not stated. Nor does it appear whence they acquired the right to take possession of and dispose of lands which the owners did not choose

to occupy. If the latter chose to abandon, it did not deprive them of the right to resume, nor confer upon Congress the authority to exercise jurisdiction over them. Although the States, by virtue of their powers of eminent domain, may become heir to all unclaimed lands, within their limits, the national Government possesses no such power. Even States cannot enforce their claim until officially found-judicially found by a jury—to belong to the State government. The right of eminent domain cannot possibly exist in favor of both the national and State Governments at the same time. It existed in the latter before the former was created, and was not surrendered by the Constitution. There is not even the show of a law to confer it. It would be void if there were. Then, Congress had no power to authorize this Bureau to seize abandoned lands.

The Constitution nowhere authorizes the raising of revenue for the purpose of feeding, clothing, and warming persons not employed in the service of the Government. It might be humane to dispense charity, but that instrument has not authorized the Government under it to do so; and "necessity" could not confer or enlarge the power. This law filled the South with political paupers, to dispense charity to others made so by the want of proper attention of the actors. These dispensers of Government charities were found willing political instruments of those in power, and urgently sought the continuation of their employments. Congress, intent upon keeping up excitement, and securing, by reconstruction, Republican States with their votes, was willing to sacrifice any amount of public money to accomplish the object. The agents and subordinates of the Bureau could be rendered exceedingly useful in managing public meetings, and in performing local political exploits, and especially in filling the North with frightful sensation stories, easily coined, and cheerfully circulated through the Republican press and the head of the Bureau.

The war really ended in the spring of 1865, but proclamation of the fact was not made until afterward, and the act was about to expire by its own limitation, when a new act, passed over the President's veto, July 16, 1866, extended it for two years, with

enlarged provisions, and an additional number of officials. This act essentially increased the powers of the Secretary of War on this subject, and designedly placed the Bureau mainly beyond the control of the President. Besides the expense occasioned by its calls upon, and use of the army and its machinery, this Bureau costs the Government, directly in money, from twelve to fifteen. millions a year, much of which is squandered and wasted without any benefit to the negroes or the United States. From the highest to the lowest positions, it is mainly in unsuitable hands as (reliable reports and the facts show), most of whom have little chance of thrift, except in cheating, whether the loss falls upon the Government or the negroes. The energies of a large portion of these agents are directed to two points-obtaining money for themselves, and making political capital for the Republican party. This last act, by its own limitation, expires on the 16th of July, 1868. But, as a political engine, it has been found so useful to the Republican party, and, as a means of money-getting, so successful in the hands of those selected to execute it, that it is almost certain to be extended.

In this Bureau, now almost exclusively a political machine, we see absorbed as much money, annually, as the whole Government cost but a few years since, exclusive of the public debt, and not one dollar of it authorized by the Constitution. It is claimed that the support of the negroes became a "necessity" after they were emancipated. This assumed necessity cannot confer constitutional power, but it proves that the emancipation was not made in a suitable and proper manner. If it had been wisely accomplished, as in New York, it would not have produced any such case of necessity. Congress could properly propose amendments to the Constitution prohibiting slavery, but neither they nor the Executive, nor both, could constitutionally do any act that could create any such necessity. If any thing done by the Government, in fact, produced such necessity, that fact proves the wrongfulness of what it did. The fault is with those who produced and continued a state of things occasioning such consequences. The responsibility rests with them, and cannot be lawfully thrown upon the Treasury. The negroes did not bring their sufferings upon themselves. But some