the mass of these negroes are too ignorant and stupid to know the meaning of the term "loyalty." They will follow what they are made to believe is for their interest, whether loyal or disloyal. They are led by the worst advisers our country can produce, and easily made to believe what these men desire they should. But whoever pretends that the negroes did much fighting during the war, are now harmless among the people with arms in their hands, or are more loyal than others in the South, will, when he learns the real facts, find his mistake.

133.-PRESIDENT JOHNSON AND EDWIN M. STANTON.

When Mr. Johnson became President, one of his most unwise acts was retaining Mr. Lincoln's Cabinet, not one of whom was his political friend, or a Democrat. They did not feel that they were indebted to him for the positions which they held. There was no link of friendship between them. He was looked upon as an accidental intruder; and some of them claimed to be his superior in wisdom, sagacity, and executive experience in national affairs. Among those who felt no personal respect for him was Edwin M. Stanton, Secretary of War. It was known that Mr. Lincoln often admitted that his acts were indefensible, and contrary to law and sound policy; but said he must retain him, because he could not do without him on some special occasions, where he would do what no other man would consent to do. However he might appear, when present with him, the outside world soon came to the conclusion that Mr. Stanton did not respect or fear him, but felt free to say and do what he pleased in spite of him. He frequently dishonored his name by violating his orders. The War Department was administered in the interest of the Republican party, and not to promote that of the country. He had formerly so managed it as to reelect a Governor in Pennsylvania, and Mr. Lincoln to the presidency. It became apparent that he intended to make like use of the department at the coming election. Although, to Mr. Johnson, he kept up a show of objection to the Tenure-of-Office Bill, it is the common belief that he was in league with the conspirators in Congress to secure its becoming a law over Mr. Johnson's veto. When that bill was enrolled

among the laws, he began to throw off restraint, and act in a manner deemed disrespectful. It also became known that he had failed to bring to the notice of Mr. Johnson a dispatch addressed to him, which, if he had done so, would have enabled him to give instructions that would have prevented the New Orleans riots. In view of these and other things, Mr. Johnson suspended him from office-reporting the suspension, and the reasons for it, to the Senate. He placed General Grant in charge of the department as acting Secretary. It was arranged with the latter, that if he was not willing to retain the office so as to allow the courts to determine Mr. Stanton's right to return, Grant should vacate in season to enable Mr. Johnson to appoint some one who would. Grant fixed upon the time of calling to inform Mr. Johnson what course he had determined to take. But he failed to fulfil this promise, although he had advised that the proper course was to go to the courts to have the question of the validity of the Tenure-of-Office Bill settled by the judiciary. In excusing himself for not conforming to the direction and his promise to the President, he foolishly entangled himself in inexcusable falsehoods. It has now become quite apparent that, from the beginning, he has been acting under the direction of Mr. Stanton, and in aid of his purposes, and that he has been made the tool of Congress to aid in their schemes. The Senate did not concur in Mr. Stanton's suspension. With an utter disregard of the interests of the army and the country, the Senate seek to force him upon the President as a member of the Cabinet, with whom he holds no intercourse, and with whom he is not even on speaking terms. It is the first time in the world that a legislature has attempted to force a spy upon a chief magistrate as a counsellor. Of course insubordination reigns through the whole army, beginning with General Grant and the Secretary, and extending to the lowest subordinates. The question naturally arises, What is the object of Mr. Stanton in clinging to the War Department? He said, when asked to resign, that considerations of public policy required him not to comply. This was simply egotistical impudence-too absurd even to be ridiculous. All know it to be true that there are many other men who are as honest, talented, and capable of

managing the affairs of the department, and as competent to advise the President in council as Mr. Stanton. If so, then it must be true that some other considerations induced his action. It is not true that the public good can be promoted by his remaining a member of a Cabinet which he never attends, simply because he is not wanted. Nor does he advise with the President or his colleagues, they having no respect for his opinions or purposes. He has never attempted to explain how the public service can be promoted by his struggle to hold office; nor what his political friends intended to have him do by remaining. Every public consideration is in favor of his quitting an office where he is on ill-terms with the chief under whom he serves, and with those about him, in consequence of which he acts without authority and advice. The circumstances warrant the belief that he has acted in concert with those in Congress who wish to thwart President Johnson in every way possible, in order to deprive him of his just powers and influence. They desire to force him to retain those Republicans in office who most fiercely denounce him. They insist that he shall appoint from the same class. They are also deeply solicitous to retain in office one who will deal kindly with their friends who wish to put their hands into the Treasury, but are more anxious to secure the power and influence of the department at the next fall election. We have no doubt of the existence of these purposes and wishes. If personally popular, it might be expected that Mr. Stanton was looking to a nomination for the presidency. But so bitter and intense is the feeling against him, even by many Republicans, that no one will imagine that he could be elected. Few civilians, and fewer still of the army, speak even respectfully of him. It therefore seems certain that he is playing a part for the benefit of those resorting to every possible means to retain the political power of the country in the hands of the Republican party.

Since writing the above, Mr. Johnson has consulted the true interests of the country, and vindicated his own constitutional rights, by doing what he ought to have done years ago, in removing Mr. Stanton from office. He directed the Adjutant-General, Lorenzo Thomas, to take charge of the department. But Sen

ators and members of Congress rushed to the department and advised him to hold on and not yield up the office, and he has refused to do so, staying there night and day, eating and sleeping in the department. He made a criminal complaint and had General Thomas arrested for accepting the appointment of acting Secretary, although he took no proceedings against General Grant, who acted under such an appointment for months. This interference of members of both Houses of Congress proves that Stanton was acting in concert with them. The President had an undoubted right to remove without the consent of the Senateevery President has exercised that right, and no one to so great an extent as Mr. Lincoln, whose nominations to fill the places of removed officials the Senate has confirmed by thousands. These removals were, to a great extent, made on the request of Senators and members. Probably there is not one Rebublican in either end of the capitol who has not made requests of this character.

Mr. Stanton is upheld in his struggle to remain in office by the whole Republican party. The Senators who declared it would be disgraceful to hold on, when the President desired a member of his Cabinet to quit, now approve the course which he pursues. Senators, who are now in session and trying the President for this removal, have been to the department and encouraged him to "stick" to an office, the duties of which he cannot half perform without consulting the President. Instead of the conspiracy which they charge against the President being true, it is now perfectly apparent that both Houses of Congress have conspired with Stanton to continue him in office against the Constitution and laws, and also against the best interests of the country. Mr. Stanton is wasting millions upon millions of public money, mostly in aid of the schemes of the Republican party to perpetuate its power, and control the business and politics of the country.

No man in this or any other country has pursued so reckless a course to continue in office, or has more abused his official power. No man has ever so perfectly blended tyranny and cowardice. He tyrannizes wherever he dares do so, and shows that he is personally afraid of shadows. He dare not walk abroad like a just man, but is hemmed around with bayonets, which no man

honestly performing his duties ever needed. He is the head and front of the spy system which pervades our country at an enormous expense, not authorized by the Constitution and laws, nor required by any interest or the good sense of the people. He and General Grant are linked together with hooks of steel, and engaged in the same raid upon the people's rights and the Treasury, as qur public accounts will show. They are both the tools of the Republican party and used for the same purposes, and acted in quiet and perfect harmony when the latter was performing the duties of Secretary of War ad interim.

134. SLANDER AS POLITICAL CAPITAL.

Slander has formed a portion of the political capital of the enemies of the Democracy in all past time. It was resorted to for the purpose of driving Washington from the head of the army, and to keep Jefferson from being elected and reëlected President, and Madison from becoming his successor. The direct slanders upon Jefferson and Madison would fill several large volumes. In time, so many of these had been proved to be false, that people began to doubt and then to disbelieve what was put forth against the Democracy. It was not enough to slander General Jackson, but his revilers assailed his wife long after she was in her grave. Neither Mr. Van Buren nor Mr. Polk escaped the shafts of his political enemies. Nor did Mr. Pierce escape. It was left for Mr. Buchanan to receive more than a double share. New terms of slander were invented and applied. He was called "copperhead," rebel, traitor, secessionist, and disloyal. How far these epithets were believed by those using them is shown by the action. of the Legislature of Massachusetts about the time of his going out of office as President, when they unanimously declared that they regarded with unmingled satisfaction the determination evinced in his then recent special message to amply and faithfully discharge his constitutional duty of enforcing the laws and preserving the integrity of the Union. Nothing could be more explicit or true.

When the war commenced, the system of slander became enlarged and intensified, and reached not only leading Democratic