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perity and unequalled in promoting happiness. Mr. John Quincy Adams's administration, distinguished for his effort to build up internal improvements by the Federal Government, produced no special benefits to mankind. Those who brought Harrison and Tyler into power claim no special merits as resulting therefrom. Taylor and Fillmore, though respectable, conferred nothing of peculiar usefulness upon the people. Lincoln gave us the war, our public debt, and a demoralized country, with no special benefits. It is to the Democratic administrations alone that we must look for our growth and prosperity, peace and happiness, and that simply by giving the people the protection of the Constitution and laws, and allowing them to pursue their industry and seek happiness in their own way. Here lies the secret of our wonderful prosperity, our growth and progress, which astonish the world. The prosperity under the Adams, Harrison, Tyler, and TaylorFillmore administrations, as far as it existed, was the result of letting the people alone, leaving them to work out their own prosperity and happiness, and not the fruit of anti-Democratic principles. The forcing system, compelling the people to follow where others direct, has never succeeded well in the United States, and never will. The people are wiser than their public agents, and best know how to make themselves happy, and will do so if the laws protect them and they are let alone.

There rests upon every individual two great duties from which he cannot rightfully release himself; he owes them to his country, to his kindred, and his fellow-men. The one is to watch over and participate in our public affairs, and use all lawful and reasonable exertions to secure their safe, constitutional, and wise management, and the other to devote the residue of his energies to the management of his private affairs and promote their prosperity, to the end that he may be personally independent, and be able to supply the wants of those dependent upon him, and also to add to the stock of accumulated wealth of the country, so that our nation may command that standing and position abroad that will command universal respect. The faithful performance of these duties are leading guaranties in favor of Democratic principles.

We have given brief sketches of leading events and prominent officials in the Federal Government and of New York. This we have endeavored to do impartially and truthfully. If we have erred, it has been unintentional. To politicians we have assigned such motives as their acts, in our opinion, warrant, and, as we believe, actuated them. We do not expect universal concurrence in these by our political adversaries; but that an impartial jury, from the testimony, would arrive at the same conclusion we think certain, and we are confident history will confirm our impressions. If we are wrong, it is no fault of ours, but is imputable to those who have talked and acted in a manner leaving no possible grounds for a different conclusion. If they were not chargeable with the intentions and motives we impute, the fault was theirs in furnishing false indexes to their purposes, which could not be made to mean any thing else. They should have presented the real instead of a false face. We believe they did exhibit truly what they intended, and so we have written, and have drawn the natural conclusions. It is their fault, and not ours, if we have

made a mistake.

We have unhesitatingly declared laws and acts to be in violation of the Constitution when we believed them to be so. For these opinions we alone are responsible, although the ablest jurists of the Union concur with us in asserting most of them. We believe, from full consideration of the facts, that since the Republican party came into power, they have used greater exertions in violating than in sustaining the Constitution, and we believe the courts will so determine when permitted to act.

The political principles put forth are those which we believe have the full approbation of the great body of the Democratic party, if not of every member of it. We know of no dissenters who do not, in fact, belong to the other side.

We have given some of the pending issues which are to be tried by the people next fall, and upon the determination of which our future well-being as a nation depends. If determined against the Democracy, the clouds of adversity will shut down around us, and a surging chaos and a night of despair be upon us. If the people are true to themselves, to the Constitution, and to what

is due to future generations, they will be decided in their favor, and days of clear skies, and bright sunshine, and prosperity, will dawn upon and enliven us for long years to come. Hope, the mother of much happiness, bids us be cheerful, for success, being deserved, will surely, at no distant day, follow. We expect it, but it will not come without proper and efficient exertions. We cannot ask a blessing upon our works until we perform them, and then we may fairly expect it.

We also give the expenses of the Federal Government for each year since its organization, which shows its former economy and present extravagance. We also call the attention of our readers to the signs of the times, and the dangers threatening our rights and liberties.

We also furnish an exhibit of the Public Debt, and show what taxation is necessary to keep down the interest. It is apparent that, without a diminution of our expenses—a thing not expected while the Republicans are in power-this debt never can be paid. Our only hope rests in restoring the Government to Democratic hands, disbanding the five needless Southern armies, and bringing the Government back to the economy of former days. The Federal Government must be brought down to the simple machine its framers contemplated, or our enormous debt can never be extinguished by payment.

APPENDIX.

143.-THE NATIONAL CONSTITUTION.

KNOWING that the Constitution is not accessible to most people, we give it entire, as it now exists. We advise our readers to study it carefully, and to reflect thoroughly upon its provisions, and hold their public agents to a strict accountability under it. It is the sheet-anchor of their safety.

CONSTITUTION OF THE UNITED STATES.

WE, the People of the United States, in order to form a more perfect union, establish justice, insure domestic tranquillity, provide for the common defence, promote the general welfare, and secure the blessings of liberty to ourselves and our posterity, do ordain and establish this CONSTITUTION for the United States of America.

ARTICLE I.

Section 1. All legislative powers herein granted shall be vested in a Congress of the United States, which shall consist of a Senate and House of Representatives.

Section 2. The House of Representatives shall be composed of members chosen every second year by the people of the several States, and the electors in each State shall have the qualifications requisite for electors of the most numerous branch of the State Legislature.

No person shall be a Representative who shall not have attained to the age of twenty-five years, and been seven years a citizen of the United States, and who shall not, when elected, be an inhabitant of that State in which he shall be chosen.

Representatives and direct taxes, shall be apportioned among the several States which may be included within this Union, according to their respective numbers, which shall be determined by adding to the whole number of free persons, including those bound to service for a term of years, and excluding Indians not taxed, three-fifths of all other persons. The actual enumeration shall be made within three years after the first meeting of the Congress of the United States, and within every subsequent term of ten years, in such

manner as they shall by law direct. The number of Representatives shall not exceed one for every thirty thousand, but each State shall have at least one Representative; and until such enumeration shall be made, the State of New Hampshire shall be entitled to choose three, Massachusetts eight, Rhode Island and Providence Plantations one, Connecticut five, New York six, New Jersey four, Pennsylvania eight, Delaware one, Maryland six, Virginia ten, North Carolina five, South Carolina five, and Georgia three.

When vacancies happen in the representation from any State, the executive authority thereof shall issue writs of election to fill such vacancies.

The House of Representatives shall choose their Speaker and other officers; and shall have the sole power of impeachment.

Section 3. The Senate of the United States shall be composed of two Senators from each State, chosen by the Legislature thereof, for six years; and each Senator shall have one vote.

Immediately after they shall be assembled in consequence of the first election, they shall be divided as equally as may be into three classes. The seats of the Senators of the first class shall be vacated at the expiration of the second year, of the second class at the expiration of the fourth year, and of the third class at the expiration of the sixth year, so that one-third may be chosen every second year; and if vacancies happen by resignation, or otherwise, during the recess of the Legislature of any State, the executive thereof may make temporary appointments until the next meeting of the Legislature, which shall then fill such vacancies.

No person shall be a Senator who shall not have attained to the age of thirty years, and been nine years a citizen of the United States, and who shall not, when elected, be an inhabitant of that State for which he shall be chosen.

The Vice-President of the United States shall be president of the Senate, but shall have no vote, unless they be equally divided.

The Senate shall choose their other officers, and also a president pro tempore, in the absence of the Vice-President, or when he shall exercise the office of President of the United States.

The Senate shall have the sole power to try all impeachments; when sitting for that purpose, they shall be on oath or affirmation. When the President of the United States is tried, the Chief Justice shall preside; and no person shall be convicted without the concurrence of two-thirds of the members present.

Judgment in cases of impeachment shall not extend further than to removal from office, and disqualification to hold and enjoy any office of honor, trust, or profit under the United States; but the party convicted shall nevertheless be liable and subject to indictment, trial, judgment, and punishment, according to law.

Section 4. The times, places, and manner of holding elections for Senators and Representatives, shall be prescribed in each State by the Legislature thereof; but the Congress may at any time, by law, make or alter such regulations, except as to the places of choosing Senators.

The Congress shall assemble at least once in every year, and such meeting shall be on the first Monday in December, unless they shall, by law, appoint a different day.

Section 5. Each House shall be the judge of the elections, returns, and qualifications of its own members, and a majority of each shall constitute a quorum to do business; but a smaller number may adjourn from day to day, and may be authorized to compel the attendance of absent members, in such manner, and under such penalties, as each House may provide.

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