Mr. Burke's fcandalous behaviour on the difcovery made of fraud in the PayOffice, is painted in very proper colours. Mr. Fox, the man of the people, receives a juft tribute of respect for his proceedings with refpect to the loan in April lal; his oppofition to Mr. Pitt's reform bill in June; the Prince of Wales's cflablishment, &c. &c. To thefe, the author adds the fteps that have been taken with regard to India affairs, and compares the whole with the Right Hon. Secretary's “ attention to the voice of the people, his dread

of an overgrown court influence, &c." and thence draws conclufions which we recommend to the reader to perule in the work itself. We have heard, fays the author, mighty profeffions, and mighty promifes of prudent measures for the pub lic:

Let us wait the iffue with fervent hope, and a lively expectation; we cannot be more than difappointed; and the interval may afford falutary exercife for faith, charity, fufference, and other Chriftiau virtues."

FROM this publication it would appear, that the profits to be derived from fifhing and farming in Nova Scotia, far exceed the ideas generally entertained of thefe objects. With regard to the climate and natural productions of that country, we are difpofed to think, that the

author rather writes with a bias in favour of it; which circumiflance tends a good deal to make his information questionable. Indeed, mofl of the topics which he handles, have been difcuffed in earlier publications. Prefixed to the work, is a very accurate map of Nova Scotia.

I

F we confider the very general prevalence of ablutions from fin, in modern as well as antient times, in Afia, by plunging or bathing in holy rivers; the manner in which it is evident our Saviour was baptized by John the Baptift in Jordan; the manner too, in which the eunuch was baptized by the difciple of our Lord, the apofle Philip; and have regard to the plain and unforced interpretation of Scripture; we shall have fome reafon to wonder how infant fprinkling fhould ever have been fubflituted in the room of the true and original rite of initiation into the Chriftian faith, and alfo at the pertinacity or prejudices of thofe, who enter into the difpute concerning pedobaptifm, and examine its merits with induftry, without being convinced that it is a deviation from the meaning and genius of Chriflianity, and the practice of the first Chriflian teachers. Infant fprinkling manifeftly appeara

to us to be one of the numerous corrupti ons which fuperftition and prieft-craft have introduced into the Chriflian Religion: although we do not think that this infiance of deviation from the truth, is incompatible by any means with lively faith in all thofe particulars that are effential to falvation.

Mr. Richards had published frictures on infant baptifm, and à Mr. Carter, who, it feems, is a clergyman, replied to him in a publication entitled, the Reviewer review ed. Mr. Richards replies to Mr. Carter, in the letters before us, and clearly proves, that infant fprinkling is not authorised by either precopt or example in the facred feriptures. He is a man of confiderable ability, and theological learning. But be does not write in that grave, modeft, libe ral, candid, and charitable manner which ought to adorn the writings, as well as the lives of Chriftian men.

SUN

The Speaker informed the Houfe, that fince their laft meeting he had received a letter from Sir Edward Hughes, and alfo a letter from Commodore King, in anfwer to the vote of thanks of that houfe, which he had communicated to them. He read the letters in his place, and delivered them to the clerk to be entered in the votes.

At half past two, Mr. Fox rofe and faid, he would proceed to move the order of the day; but he was interrupted by the re-elected members coming to take their feats. They came feparately, and it was near four o'clock before they were all feated.

Mr. Fox and Mr. Chancellor Pitt then rofe at the fame, and the friends of both Gentleimen were very loud in procuring for them the preference. The Speaker faid, that Mr. Fox was in potieffion of the house, for he had been up, and was interrupted by the fwearing in of the re-elected members. Mr. Chancellor Pitt faid, he spoke to order, and he therefore was heard.

He faid he knew not that Mr. Fox was in poffeffion of the house, but he thought it requifite for him to fay, that the reafon for his rfing was to prefent to the house a meffage from his Majefty, conceiving, as he did, that the house would be difpofed to hear that in preference to other matter.

The Speaker then from the chair faid, that Mr. Fox having begun his speech was clearly in poffeffion of the house, and was entitled to go

The right hon. Mr. Fox then rose and said, that nobody would believe that he was inclined by any means to prevent the right honourable chancellor of the exchequer from prefenting a melage from his majefty; but having rifen to move for the order of the day, and the right honourable gentleman having it in his power to prefent the message after the business of the dy as well as before, and knowing at the fame time, from the nature of the meflage, that there would be no injury in waiting, he wished that the house should go into the committee on the fate of the nation, where a motion of the mot immediate confequence to the houfe would be made, and which, in his mind, ought to preced: all other bufinefs. He therefore begged irave to move the order of the day.

Mr. Chancellor Pitt then rofe. He was by no means anxious, he faid, to prevent the hofe from going into the committee on the Rare of the nation, or to keep the right hon. get man iron the go leflion of the hud, to Laur. MAG.

the gaining of which such art and fuch accom modation had been used.

At the fame time, however, that he chearfully expreffed his readiness to go into the committee on the state of the nation, he thought it right that this committee fhould be delayed for fome fhort time, and he trusted the reasons which he should give would be fatisfactory to the houfe. It had pleafed his majefty to command his fervices, at a time, when, however he might feel himself unqualified for the high station of the minifter, he could not think hi nfelf juftified in confcience to decline. The circumstances of the country were peculiar and ditreffing.

The Eaft-India bill, brought in by the right hon. gentleman, a bill fo violent in its form as to give juft reafon for alarm to every thinking man, had been, by what powerful management it was not for him to fay, hurried through that houfe. That bill established a fpecies of influence unknown to the conftitution of this country; and he was one of a moft refpectable minority, who thought, that if it had paffed into a law, the independence of that house, the equilibrium between the three eftates of the realm, and the beautiful frame of our government, was at an end. That bill paffed this houfe, but at the fame time it was the idea of all men, even of those who objected to that bill, that though that bill was perfectly unfit to be pafied, fome bill was effentially neceffary; and he had pledged himself, if it was withdrawn, or thrown out, to propofe one lefs violent in its principle, and, as he thought, more adequate to its purpofes.

He stated all his great objections to Mr. Fox's bill, and faid, that he was now called upon by his duty, to bring in a new bill, and if the houfe, by agreeing with him to postpone the order of the day, would give him leave to move for lease to bring in his bill, he would ftate all the outlines of his fyftem, as fhortly and precifely as he could. He trufted, that he thould not be prevented becaufe the right hon. gentleman had forestalled the houfe, by rifing at a time when those persons were abfent, whofe duty it was to conduct official bufinefs, and he hoped the houfe in general would agree with him in voting again't the order of the day.

Mr. Powys allured the houfe, that he was not agitated with any of that heat or violence, which he faw but too evidently was rifing in their minds; he lamented that it was fo; and he was happy that he was abfent at the time, when the bili, which gave occafion to all this heat, was thrown out. He withed it had been thrown out by that house, rather than by another branch of the legislature; but he rejoiced that it was defeated; for it was charged in his mind with great and alarming confe quences. It was certainly the opinion of every

parlament; whereas by going into the committee, measures might be taken to guard against a measure fo inimical to the true interefts of the country.

It was faid that he had got poffeffion of the houfe by management, and that it was unfair; he conceived it to be the contrary. This day was appointed for going into the commit.ee on the state of the nation, and in order to prevent confufion, in order that it might not be made merely what it had been called, a queftion of ftrength, he had come down early to move for the order of the day, that the house might come regularly to a question which he intended to move in the committee.

An hon. gentleman wishes for more coalifeas. It had always been his idea that there were, in cafes of political variance and objection, but two means to be used. The one was, in cafe of delinquency, to inflict public cefare, and where that was not pursued, puble oblivion. This had been his motive in coalefcing with the noble lord.

He was one of those who imagined that nothing was fo injurious as that men thould perperually conceive enmities to one another, becaufe they had been hoftile in debate. This he knew was the principle propagated by the fecret advisers of the crown, because there was nothing which they hated fo much as confidence and connection. To destroy connection and to prevent it-to feparate those who were joined, and to keep thofe afunder who had accidentally differed, was their great object; for it was only by dividing men that they could expect to prevail.

It was a trial of ftrength." It was no trial of strength between the prefent minifters and thofe on his fide of the houfe. If it was a thal of strength, it was whether this country was in future to be governed by a miniftry fuppared by that houfe, or by the fecret advifers of the crown. This was the question at issue,, and he trufted it would be very foon decided.

He faid that a government of secret influence must be a weak government; and a weak government was worse than none; for where there was perfect confufion, there would foon grow out of it order; but the anarchy of a weak government might be lafting. Would ese, then, think of changing the strong, man15, public, and refponfible government, which we had enjoyed for a century paft, into this miferable expedient?

Where it depended on fecret influence, the government never could be latting, for it was e nature of jealousy to be capricious. One wolf imagine that one could not be jealous of that person whom we ought only to defpife; and men would think, that on this principle the prefent cabinet would be fafe, for it was expofed of men who were in general of that delcription which folly itself could not be jealons of; but even they would not efcape-By and we they would be suspected in their turn, and whenever they were established they would Le dethroned.

He called on them therefore to go into the committee on the state of the nation, that they might prevent the'r diffolution-that they might not let the fears of death perplex their fancy; and when they had come to a refolution which would effectuate this, they might then enter on the India bill with fecurity and fpirit.

"But nothing had yet happened to make the diffolution of the parliament neceffary." No! What did that fignify? What but that fomething might happen, which would render it neceflary. Let us, fays Mr. Fox, go into the committee and render it impoffible. Let us preferve the beauty of our conflitution, of that happy practicable equilibrium which has all the efficacy of monarchy, and all the liberty of republicanifm, moderating the defpotifm of the one, and the licentioufnefs of the other that which was in theory proved to be fallacious, but which has been, fince the revolution, fo pure as well as fo effectual. This was h's object, and he called upon the houfe to accompany him to the committee.

Lord Mulgrave imputed to oppofition a spirit of wrangling inconfiftent with their profeflions of patriotifm and public fpi.it. His praises of the minifter were lavish and animated. He endeavoured to contraft him with a late right honourable fecretary, whom he, however, allowed to poflefs the firft abilities. The India bill in contemplation could only be imperfectly understood. There was, however, in the 10ble lord's opinion, a ftrong propensity in the houfe to fpeculate on the fubject. The object then was eafy. Let the right honourable gentleman fubmit to the confideration of the house, thofe great outlines which conftituted the fub. ftance and fpirit of his meafure. Then there would be an opportunity of hearing his own conceptions, and no danger of mifrepresenting them.

Mr. Pulteney detefted every thing which had the most diftant fimilitude to fecret influence: but he was not fure what was meant by that phrafe. Moft undoubtedly it could never be intended to make a monopoly of the royal ear, or to deprive the fovereign even of volition. He was fure there was not an honourable gentleman in the houfe who would not jo'n itfue with him on the fubject; but he would not agree to ftigmatize every inftance of advice which the fovereign might have occafion to call for as unconftitutional. He was certain that the more advice of this kind reached the throne, the better it would be for the public. He adverted to the idea of a diffolution of parliament, which feemed to be fo generally entertained.

He was forry to fee gentlemen on the other fide of the house fo very vekement and determined on the question, as, in his opinion, the very steps they were taking to prevent, muit unavoidably produce that effect. They were themfelves, he thought, obviously inclined for the very object they reprobited, and feemed not a little eager to bring it on. He refred the ftrength of his argument on this point, H 2

that

that the refolutions which might be entered into by the committee, would affuredly terminate in a diffolution of parliament.

Lord North rofe in anfwer to the foregoing fpeaker, and was extremely po'nted and (trong in his remarks, especially on the hon. gentleman's idea of a diffolution. His lord hip vindicated himself against the conftant imputation that he had once, and long been the agent or minifter of fecret influence. He had frequent ly declared on his honour, that he was privy to no fecret influence. He however, when in office, had spoke of himself as the premier, but generally included thofe who acted with him; and they ever had been, and were now willing to ftand forth as one man, and answer as well as they could, for the feveral as of their adminiftration.

His lordship, for one, never would agree to fhift the blame from his own fhoulders. There might be influence unknown to him, but then he had no concern with it whatever. He did not feel it. He advised his majesty to the best of his abilities, and acted on that advice with uprightness. But he now declared, as he ever had, that no fecret advice wha ever had once interfered to thwart his measures, or force him to act on an opinion not his own.

All the parts, he contended, of the conftitution, were formed to act harmoniously, but an excess of adhering literally and dogmatically to the prerogatives of either must inevitably terminate in the de'truction of the whole. He therefore hoped his majesty would be bett r advifed than to rufh on a meafure which might be followed with the most difmal and general mifchiefs. However, he trusted no man would fpeak lightly of the evils, which, in his opinion, were inevitable from fuch an event, of the flame which a diflolution of parliament would undoubtedly raife. No, thefe were not to be concealed, and could not be palliated. He concluded, with wishing for the order of the day, and that the house may go forthwith into the committee on the state of the nation. Mr. Dundas rofe in reply to Lord North, whom he profcffed he did not understand. It was in his apprehenfion at least fomewhat marvellous, that he who had been the oftenfible minifter for upwards of twelve years, could not decide the fact whether there was a fecret influence or not.

He was in hopes the right hon. gentleman (Mr. Fox) in fupport of his strong and pointed declamation on the subject, would have brought forward fome facts which might have decided the contest, and which, from his connection with the noble lord in the blue ribbon, it was not unnatural to fupp fe him poffefied of. But is this the cafe? No.. He alerts ftrongly and pointedly, but leaves the drudgery and detail of proof to fome perfon of inferior eloquence to tate at their leifure. But what are we to infer from this? that all the clamour that has tein ralfed, is only on fomething chimerical, and found din no fact wha.ever. He wished getlemen would not go fo much as they had

lately done into quaint phrafes, which only gave a handle against them, and tended to load them with ridicule and contempt. He inftanced in the phrafe of the Lite AttorneyGeneral, about charters only being a piece of parchment, with a piece of wax dangling at the end of it. A facetious water, he faid, had obferved on this, that an attorney, fuppofing him to die a premature death, was only a carcofe dangling at a rope. This, he faid, was indecent, but it originated in the lofen- ís of feaking, which had now become tashionable.

He then entered on a long difcumion of the king's prerogative, and affi n.ed the exercife of this was not fubjected to any cmendation whatever, and tha. the reafoning on the other file was calculated only to prove that the pailiament was not to be diffolved without its own confent.

Gen. Conway anfwered Mr. Dundas by a variety of pertinent animadvertions on the doftrines he had held forth in what he had then advanced. He was not fond of finding out fo many new theories as expedient to fit the purpofes of a new practice lately introduced in the government of this country. The doctrines of this day had been pretty fully exemplified in the fpeech of the learned gentleman who spoke laft. Surely no higher prerogative doctrines were ever broached in parliament. What were fome of them? Why, that whenever the parliament did not chime in with the minifter it fhould be diffolved. This was undoubtedly a novelty in the English constitution, which the friends of it would not eafily admit. This was making parliament nothing at all but the mere inftrument of an arbitrary fovereign; for the moment any thing truck them as eligible, they had it not in their power to adopt it without previously confuiting the pleasure of the king. He recommended it to the house not to life a moment, but to go directly into the committee, and there, after taking such steps as feemed neceffary to their own prefervation, they might determine the right hon. gentleman's motion.

Mr. Pitt :ofe in o: der to answer the questions which had been fo frequently put to him by ieveral gentlemen on the other fide of the house. He began by recording every question he had been afking during the courfe of the debate. He fpeculated with much ingenuity on their motives who urged him thus keenly on this point; and he denied that he was either bound as a minifter to give any fatisfaction, or to confider himself as acting a fair and confcientious part in faying pofitively what should be the future difpofitions of his majefty on that fubject. He then applied himself to answer a variety of things which had been aimed at him during the debate. He affected to hold them all in the greatest contempt. He parriel fome, and flatly denied others. But ftil he acknowledged, that refponfibility of government was the greateft fecurity to the fubject, and the to teft of minifters. It was not for him to point out in all tafes the exprefs boundaries of

the