confidence of the friends of freedom; while the champions and apologists of slavery respected him far less than they would if he had shown himself worthy of his New England blood. As Lowell sings:

"Man is more than [institutions]; better rot beneath the sod, Than be true to Church and State, while we are doubly false to God."

Some of the exiled students completed their education in the freer air of Oberlin, while a few did noble service in the anti-slavery cause as lecturing agents. Conspicuous among the latter were Theodore D. Weld, Henry B. Stanton and Marius R. Robinson, who, by their logic and eloquence, did much to enlighten the people and create the public sentiment which finally led to the overthrow of slavery. Mr. Weld's Bible argument against slavery, his "Slavery as It Is, or, the Testimony of a Thousand Witnesses," and other publications of a similar character, which were scattered broadcast by the American Anti-Slavery Society, exerted a great influence. Mr. Stanton was for a time one of the Secretaries of the National Society, devoting himself to the work of organizing the system of petitioning Congress for such anti-slavery action as that body could constitutionally take, and in the collection of funds for the Society's treasury.

Of Mr. Robinson there is a tale to be told, which coming generations ought to hear. A more gentle, sweet-spirited and self-consecrated man I have never known. He was exceedingly modest, never seeking conspicuity, but willing to work in any place, however obscure, to which duty called him. For a time, after leaving the Seminary, he devoted himself to the welfare of the colored people of Cincinnati, and, for aught that I know, was one of those who were so "imprudent" as sometimes to take a meal with a colored fam

ily. It would have been just like him to do so, simplehearted man that he was. Then he was for a time in the office of Mr. Birney's "Philanthropist," and, when the mob came to destroy the types, it was his tact and courage that saved the "forms" from being broken up, so that the paper of the week was printed in an adjoining town and delivered to its subscribers on time. At a later day he entered the lecturing field in Ohio, where he did noble service, enduring all manner of hardness like a good soldier of freedom. He was a capital speaker, with much that we call magnetic force for lack of a better term, and he was sure to make a deep impression wherever he could get a hearing. It was during the "reign of terror," and he was often harried by mobs and other exhibitions of pro-slavery malevolence. At Granville, Licking County, he was detained some time by severe illness. One day a constable obtruded himself into his sick-room, and served upon him a paper, a copy of which I herewith present as a specimen of the pro-slavery literature of that day:

"LICKING CO., GRANVILLE TOWNSHIP, ss. "To H. C. Mead, Constable of said Township, GREETING. "Whereas, we, the undersigned, overseers of the poor of Granville Township, have received information that there has lately come into said Township a certain poor man, named Robinson, who is not a legal resident thereof, and will be likely to become a township charge; you are, therefore, hereby commanded forthwith to warn the said Robinson, with his family, to depart out of said Township. And of this warrant make service and return. Given under our hands this first day of March, 1839.

CHARLES GILMAN, & Overseers of

It was nearly two years before this that he went to Berlin, Mahoning County, to deliver several lectures. On Friday evening, June 2, 1837, he spoke for the first time, and notice was given that on the following

Sunday he would deliver a lecture to vindicate the Bible from the charge of supporting slavery. This was more than the public sentiment of Berlin could bear, and so, on Saturday evening, he was seized by a band of ruffians two of them, I am told, members of the Presbyterian Church dragged out of the house of the friend with whom he lodged, carried several miles away, and, besides many other insults, subjected to the cruel indignity of a coat of tar and feathers. In this condition he was carried some miles further, and, in the darkness of a chilly Sunday morning, having been denuded of much of his clothing, left in an open field, in a strange place, where he knew no one to whom to look for aid. After daylight he made his way to the nearest house, but the family was frightened at his appearance, and would render him no aid. At another house he was fortunate enough to find friends, who, in the spirit of the good Samaritan, had compassion on him and supplied his needs. The bodily injuries received on that dreadful night affected his health ever afterwards, and even aggravated the pain of his dying hours. But they brought no bitterness to his heart, which was full of tenderness toward those who had wronged him. He gave himself with fresh zeal to the work of reform, and few men have ever done more than he did to make purer and sweeter the moral atmosphere of the region in which he lived. In 1851 he became editor of "The Anti-Slavery Bugle," at Salem, Ohio, and conducted it till the time of its discontinuance, after the abolition of slavery was substantially assured. His editorial services were of great value, and won for him the admiration and the confidence of those who profited thereby. He died in Salem less than a year ago, respected and beloved by the whole community.

It seems incredible now that the pulpit of that day was generally silent in the presence of outrages like

those inflicted upon Mr. Robinson, and that leading newspapers spoke of them rather to condemn the victims than the authors. But such is the fact. Those who imagine that the conflict with the Slave Power began with the organization of the anti-slavery political parties need to be reminded that no such parties could have had an existence but for the grand moral struggle that preceded them, and that was sustained for years by men and women who endured, bravely and unflinchingly, the reproach and scorn of hostile communities, and whose property and lives were often in peril.

XI.

Progress of the Cause Madness of the Opposition

Southern

Threats and Northern Menaces - Firmness of Arthur Tappan Northern Colleges - Mutilation of Books Beginning of a "Reign of Terror" Movement of Conservatives in Boston James G. Birney Anti-Slavery Publications Sent to the South Post-Office in Charleston Broken Open by a MobPro-Slavery Demonstration in Boston - Mob of "Gentlemen of Property and Standing" - Garrison Dragged Through the Streets and Thrust into Jail - Dr. Channing's Tribute to the Abolitionists.

FROM the time of the organization of the American Anti-Slavery Society in 1833, to the end of the following year, the anti-slavery agitation grew more and more intense, until at last it arrested the attention of the whole country. "The Liberator" in Boston, and "The Emancipator" in New York, had each enlarged its circulation. "The New York Evangelist," under the editorship of the Rev. Joshua Leavitt, was doing the cause good service in the places most under the influence of the revivals of that period, while a small number of other papers in different parts of the country were friendly to the movement. The American Society was sending out its agents and scattering its tracts and other publications broadcast through the land. Anti-slavery societies were springing up on every side, ministers here and there ventured to preach against slavery, and there were movements in some of the ecclesiastical bodies that seemed to presage a favorable change in the attitude of the churches. There were signs of an effort on the part of the Methodists of New England to break the silence so long imposed by the