Was it not cruel in this Southern paper thus to remind the pro-slavery divines of the North, who had done so much to bolster up the system of slavery, that they had their allies, not in the intelligent, God-fearing classes in the rural districts, but in "the rabble of the towns and cities," the "base, unprincipled, low and degraded," who haunted the dens of vice and crime? But, if men will serve the devil, they should be content with their wages!

Mr. Garrison revealed the nobility of his character and his entire confidence in the principles he held, in the fairness with which he treated opponents and critics in his own columns. He always gave them a full hearing, often permitting them to use twice the space that he claimed for himself. In turning over the files of "The Liberator," one is reminded continually of this fact. He believed in free discussion with all his heart, and never shrank from the scalpel of the critic. He often allowed himself to be roundly abused in his paper without offering a word of reply. That he sometimes, in the heat of the struggle, misjudged the motives of men, and so did them injustice, is probably true. That, owing to the strength of his moral convictions, and his intolerance of anything that looked like a dereliction of principle, his tone was sometimes imperious and irritating to men who were sensitive under criticism from a man so eminent, will be admitted by his best friends. He did not always make due allowance for the moral obtuseness that falls short of guilt, and that confusion of the intellect which is compatible with sincerity. But there was not in his heart the least shadow of ill-will, or of a desire to wound. He struck hard blows, and expected to take them in return. No heart was ever more generous than his, more ready to forgive an injury, or quicker to pardon a momentary weakness. The cause of the slave was to him as the apple of his eye; any appear

ance of treachery to that, however disguised, was sure to kindle his indignation. As to his treatment of

opponents, he shall speak for himself:

"Before The Liberator' was established, I doubt whether, on either side of the Atlantic, there existed a newspaper or periodical that admitted its opponents to be freely and impartially heard through its columns as freely as its friends. Without boasting, I claim to have set an example of fairness and magnanimity, in this respect, such as had never been set before; cheerfully conceding to those who were hostile to my views on any subject discussed in 'The Liberator,' not only as much space as I, or as others agreeing with me, might occupy, but even more, if they desired it. From this course I have never deviated. Nay, more; I have not waited for opponents to send in their original contributions, but, in the absence of these, have constantly transferred their articles, published in other periodicals, to my own paper, without prompting from any quarter."

His faith in free discussion is illustrated in passages such as this:

"Let, then, the mind, and tongue, and press, be free. Let free discussion not only be tolerated, but encouraged and asserted, as indispensable to the freedom and welfare of mankind. If I give my children no other precept — if I leave them no other example - it shall be a fearless, impartial, thorough investigation of every subject to which their attention may be called, and a hearty adoption of the principles which to them may seem true, whether those principles agree or conflict with my own, or with those of any other person. The best protection which I can give them is to secure the unrestricted exercise of their reason, and to inspire them with true self-reliance. I will not arbitrarily determine for them what are orthodox or what heretical sentiments. I have no wish, no right, no authority to do so. I desire them to see, hear and weigh, both sides of every question. For example: -I wish them to examine whatever may be advanced in opposition to the doctrine of the divine inspiration of the Bible, as freely as they do whatever

they find in support of it; to hear what may be urged against the doctrines, precepts, miracles, or life of Jesus, as readily as they do anything in their defence; to see what arguments are adduced for a belief in the non-existence of God, as unreservedly as they do the evidence in favor of his existence. I shall teach them to regard no subject as too holy for examination; to make their own convictions paramount to all human authority; to reject whatever conflicts with their reason, no matter by whomsoever enforced; and to prefer that which is clearly demonstrative to mere theory."

It is almost needless to say that he was hospitable to new thoughts and facts, from whatever quarter they might come, and if they commended themselves to him, upon examination, as true, he never lacked the courage to avow his faith, regardless of the ridicule or the reproaches of men. An illustration of this is found in his treatment of the subject of modern Spiritualism. Having given much time to an investigation of the phenomena pertaining to the question, and being thoroughly satisfied that he had received many communications from friends in the spirit-world, he did not hesitate to incur the odium involved in a frank avowal and defence of his opinion. To no question that concerned the progress of the human race in knowledge, virtue and freedom, was he indifferent. He was patient even with the great procession of bores who were forever invoking his attention to their crude and ill-digested schemes, and who consumed much time that he would gladly have reserved for some more useful purpose. Called a fool and a fanatic himself, every day of his life, he had great tenderness for weak, well-meaning people, who were victims of the world's indifference or scorn.

Subjects Omitted

XXIII.

The Absorbing Issue in Politics - The Moral Agitation More Intense than Ever-The Fugitive Slave LawWebster's Apostasy-Trial of Castner Hanway - Anniversary of the American Anti-Slavery Society Invaded by a Mob-Driven from New York for Two Years - A Flying Leap-Lincoln's Administration-His Re-election-Mr. Garrison's AttitudeVisit to Charleston -Scenes and Incidents - Withdrawal from the American Anti-Slavery Society - Close of "The Liberator."

As I approach the end of my work, I am dismayed in glancing at the list of topics, pertaining to the later period of the anti-slavery movement, on which I have not space to say even a word. The expulsion of Mr. Hoar from Charleston; the war with Mexico in the interest of slavery extension; the annexation of California; the defeat of the attempt to establish slavery on the Pacific coast; the compromises of 1850, including the infamous Fugitive Slave law, and the apostasy of Webster; the slave-catching era, its excitements and convulsions, in Boston, Syracuse, Christiana, and elsewhere; the trial of Castner Hanway for treason; the publication of "Uncle Tom's Cabin," by Harriet Beecher Stowe, and its wonderful effects in creating sympathy for the slaves; the appearance of Richard Hildreth's "White Slave," a most powerful delineation of the workings of slavery; the repeal of the Missouri Compromise, and the desperate attempt to force slavery into Kansas; the Dred Scott decision; the John Brown raid, its incidents and consequences; the first election of Abraham Lincoln to the Presidency; the attempt to avert secession and war by fresh compromises; the

attack upon Fort Sumter, and the grand uprising of the North; the futile attempts to put down the Rebellion without destroying slavery; the war, with its ups and down; the Decree of Emancipation; the enlistment of negro soldiers; the re-election of Lincoln in 1864; the final surrender at Appomattox; the assassination of Lincoln; the process of reconstruction; the "Underground Railroad," in all its wide ramifications, affording means of escape to thousands of slaves, whose adventures were of the most thrilling character; the trials and sufferings of men who aided the fugitives in their flight, these are some of the subjects from which it is hard to turn away, but for the adequate treatment of which another volume is required.

While it is true that the slavery question, during the period referred to above, was the all-absorbing issue in politics, so that every successive election hinged upon it, and the question was thereby forced into every household in the land, it would be a great mistake to suppose that the MORAL AGITATION was either superseded or thrown into the shade. On the contrary, the anti-slavery societies, if we except a portion of the time during the war, were never more active; the anti-slavery papers-"The Liberator," "The Standard," etc. were never more extensively circulated, or more weighty in their utterances; the antislavery speakers were never heard by larger or more deeply interested crowds. Mr. Garrison was in constant request at widely distant points; the words of Phillips echoed throughout the land, criticising, rebuking, inspiring; and Theodore Parker, until death tore him from our side, not only thundered weekly in Music Hall, but from the lecture-platform in many States; and our faithful agents were never more indefatigable in the prosecution of their work. Anniversaries and conventions were points of intense interest; being