The Question of Disunion-The Declaration of 1833 - The Ameri- can Idol-The "Covenant with Death," and the "Agreement with Hell" — Dr. Channing's Opinion "No Union with Slavehold- ers ”— The Demoralizing Influence of the Constitution — The Claim that it was Anti-Slavery - John Quincy Adams's Opinion -Judge Jay in Favor of Disunion - Need of a Sound Ethical Mr. Garrison's Visits Abroad - The London Conference of 1840- American Women Excluded - Mr. Garrison Refuses to be a Member-Excitement in England - O'Connell and Bowring - The Visit of 1846-The Free Church of Scotland - The Visit of 1867 — The London Breakfast - John Bright — The Duke of Argyll - John Stuart Mill-Goldwin Smith - George Thomp- son - Speech of Mr. Garrison — The Visit of 1877 - Sight-seeing - Mr. Garrison's Religious Opinions-Changes in Them-No Dis- turbance of the Foundations - The Charge of Infidelity - Mr. Spirit Purifying Effects of the Anti-Slavery Movement Subjects Omitted - The Absorbing Issue in Politics - The Moral Agitation More Intense than Ever- The Fugitive Slave Law Webster's Apostasy - Trial of Castner Hanway Anniversary of the American Anti-Slavery Society Invaded by a Mob-Driven from New York for Two Years - A Flying Leap-Lincoln's Administration - His Re-election - Mr. Garrison's Attitude — Visit to Charleston -Scenes and Incidents-Withdrawal from the American Anti-Slavery Society - Close of "The Liberator," 377 Mr. Garrison's Last Years - Tokens of Public Respect - His Activ- ity in Reforms His Power as a Publie Speaker His Modesty ILLUSTRATIONS. PORTRAIT OF MR. GARRISON, MR. GARRISON'S BIRTHPLACE, THE BOSTON MOB OF 1835, FAC-SIMILE OF "THE LIBERATOR" HEADING, . THE EMANCIPATION GROUP, MR. GARRISON'S LATE RESIDENCE, Writer and an Editor - In Boston and Bennington - Joins Lundy in Baltimore- His Imprisonment. THE abolition of slavery in the United States is an event of the past, and the generation now coming upon the stage will know no more of the struggles it cost, or of the men and women by whose toils and sacrifices it was brought about than can be found in a chapter of history but imperfectly written as yet, or than they may be able to gather from the private recollections of the now venerable actors who are rapidly disappearing from the field on which their triumphs were won. The war in which the great conflict was brought to its final culmination, and in which such mighty moral and material forces were engaged, will, be duly celebrated in history; but the moral and political agitations that preceded and led up to that event, and the men and women who took a conspicuous and honorable part therein, are not so likely to receive from posterity the tribute due to their courageous devotion to the cause of justice and liberty. The lines of this picture are growing fainter day by day, and soon every hand that can retouch them will be mouldering in the dust. As one who took a constant, though modest part in those agitations, from their feeble beginning to their triumphant conclusion, I have undertaken to give the public the benefit of some of my recollections of the events of that time, and of the actors therein. All great changes in human affairs spring from causes whose workings may be traced, with more or less distinctness, to a remote past. Slavery being a very ancient institution, it was not left to America to make the first protest against it. There was not, and there could not be any originality in the American AntiSlavery movement. The principles involved were as old as humanity itself, and had their champions and martyrs long before the discovery of the New World. During the colonial period of our history, and for some years after the adoption of the Constitution, there was a strong current of opposition to slavery. The discussions that preceded the Revolutionary War, involving as they did the fundamental principles of human liberty, could not but remind all thoughtful persons of the guilt and shame of slaveholding. The Declaration of Independence, though adopted for no such purpose, virtually set the seal of condemnation upon slavery as a system at war with human nature and the law of God. In lifting up that beacon-light before the world, the American people challenged the judgment of mankind upon their shameful inconsistency in making merchandise of human flesh. The sting of "the world's reproach around them burning" was keenly felt by many of the most eminent statesmen, divines and philanthropists of that day. Franklin, Rush, Hamilton and Jay; Hopkins, Edwards and Stiles; and Woolman, Lay and Benezet, among the Quakers, deserve honorable mention for their sturdy and unyielding hostility to slavery. To the credit of the Quakers as a body it should be said, that as early as 1780, after a long and serious contest, they emancipated all their slaves, which were very numerous in Maryland, New Jersey and Pennsylvania, one monthly meeting setting free eleven hundred. They also refused to hire slave-labor of the masters. In a certain sense the Abolitionists of a later period entered into and completed the labors of these noble and far-seeing men. But I am not to write a history of the introduction of slavery into this country, nor to record the efforts of some of the founders of the Republic to resist its encroachments. I set my stake at the beginning of the later movement against slavery, which, dating from 1829, went forward with constantly increasing momentum until the fetters of the slave were melted in the hot flames of war. At the date above mentioned there was hardly a ripple of excitement about slavery in any part of the nation. The fathers of the Republic had fallen asleep; the AntiSlavery sentiment of the country, defeated in the spasmodic Missouri struggle in 1821, had become too feeble to utter even a whisper. From one year's end to another there was scarcely a newspaper in all the land that made the slightest allusion to the subject. The Abolition societies in which Franklin and Rush and Jay were once so active were either dead or sleeping. One voice there was, and one only. Need I say that was the voice of a Quaker? It was Benjamin Lundy, who, in his little paper with a great name, "The Genius of Universal Emancipation," lifted up that "voice crying in the wilderness," first in Ohio, next in Tennessee, and subsequently in Baltimore, then a mart of the domestic traffic in slaves. It was a brave and an earnest voice, but it was scarcely heard outside of the Quaker body, to which Mr. Lundy belonged, and which was fast becoming almost as torpid as other religious. bodies on this question. There was a time, as some one has said, when one Quaker was enough to shake the country for twenty miles around; but the time came at length when it required the whole country for |