and to send presents to these pirates to protect their subjects against these evils. In the judgment of the public, such conduct is not compatible with the dignity of free and independent Princes.

The author defends his project against the suspicion it may rouse on account of its religious nature, and declares that the opportuneness for this enterprise has never been so favorable. It seems that Heaven demands the overthrow of the Turkish Empire by a concurrence of circumstances such as have not been seen since the Mahometan doctrine first appeared in the world. To his mind, the conquest of the Turkish Empire is so easy at that time that nothing is wanting for its realization, except a close and disinterested union of the Christian Powers. If they were to let the excellent opportunity go by, posterity will justly accuse them of inexcusable remissness. And even if the Christian Princes and governments should escape censure in this world, they will have to give a formidable accounting of themselves before a tribunal which

never errs.

Another indication of the divine will in the direction of this project seems to reveal itself in the peace and tranquillity of the Christian world; we have today large armies on foot, accustomed to the strenuous life and to the fatigues of war, and capable of greater feats. The history of the Crusades likewise speaks in favor of this enterprise. In that history we behold Godfrey of Bouillon conquering Mesopotamia and Syria as well as a large part of Asia Minor within the space of three years and with less than two hundred thousand men; did not he and his successors rule at Jerusalem for almost a century? The Christians in Turkey will, of course, cooperate with great enthusiasm in this work, since in its success they will find release from Turkish slavery." This plan will also be favored by the uncertain and disordered state of the

17 One century before Cardinal Alberoni wrote his Project, a French consul who was passing through Belgrade wrote in a letter, dated January 25, 1624: "Since I came to Belgrade, I have of a sudden discovered that a League has been organized in Christianity to march against the Turkish State this coming Spring; I found letters written in symbols on the table of my host Ragnosky who plots the affair here from which I learn that the Pope, the Emperor, the King of Spain, the Grand-Duke and Mr. de Nevers are in the enterprise and that all Servia and Bosnia are to rise as soon as the League appears." See, A. BOPPE, Journal et Correspondance de Gedoyen "Le Turc" Consul de France à Alep, Paris, 1909, p. 47.

infidels, especially in Constantinople, where the passions of the people for a revolution are roused.

'My project," so reads the text of the author, "is the result of long and sustained labor, and I may say without presumption that

it is built on the glory of God only, for it is inspired by the fervent desire to see the banner of Jesus Christ wave in the world of the infidels." To form such a project and to map out a plan in order to perpetuate peace in Christianity, may appear to many people a task that can not be realized; and because, of course, the difficulties must be very serious, he asks indulgence for the errors inherent in every grand design. To those of a hesitating nature who doubt whether the war against the infidels proposed by the project is justified, he answers that it suffices to state that the Turks do not possess a single foot of ground in the world but was acquired through sacrilege, imposture, violence, treason or oppression. And to reinforce this affirmation, he relates the history of the advent of the Turks in Europe as well as their conduct toward their neighbors and co-religionists, the Persians. "To conclude: there is no need to try to evade the reasons for undertaking a war against them, since the Christians have the right to recover what the infidels usurped in a way contrary to the rights of humanity, and because the Sultan on his coming to the throne takes the solemn vow to destroy Christianity." As we see, this is the same viewpoint which we have already met in P. Dubois, in G. Podebrad and in a number of Alberoni's predecessors. In our own time, his compatriot, F. P. Contuzzi, writes that Turkey in Europe is "a paradox, an anomaly, an anachronism" and that the question is not one of reforming her, but rather of taking her name off the list of European states!

2. Up to his time, Christian Princes have been killing each other, instead of forming into union against the infidels. And this was even true during the Crusades, when "all regard for religion disappeared when it came into conflict with political pretensions; again there awakened the spirit of dispute and discord, thwarting all praiseworthy projects and sometimes rousing the Princes against each other to such a degree of madness that soon they fell prey to the common enemy. Would to God that I might draw a veil over those melancholy times."

Against accusations of different kinds, for instance, that he had con

ceived this plan only in order to propagate the religion he professes, he declares in the most solemn manner that he does not follow an exclusively Catholic policy, since he places the interests of Catholic states on a footing of equality with the Protestant states. This equality is the first condition for the success of the project. The Turkish possessions are vast. He is far from believing that this extent of territory is a barrier against the proposed enterprise; he is on the contrary convinced, that nothing can be more helpful to further it, and in support of this assertion he adds: "The same cause has paved the way to the ruin of all the great empires in the world, especially to that of the Romans and of the Saracens." He makes reservations regarding the bravery of the Turkish army; the last war has besides destroyed this reputation "their large number has frequently had no other effect except to spread confusion and disorder in their ranks" and to lead them to defeat. 18 The military enterprise must be carefully prepared.

3. The territorial partition must be agreed upon beforehand. 4. He draws up a plan of campaign worthy of the chief of the general staff of an army of that time, and gives evidence of extraordinary information regarding localities and strategic positions both on land and on sea. This information had been furnished him by an old soldier (Bernier) whom he had met in the train of the Duke de Vendôme and for whose ability he had the greatest admiration. He tells us "in 1730, I sent this man to reconnoiter all the important cities and all Turkish fortresses in Asia and in Africa, where he passed for a Mussulman and continued his investigations during three years." This entire portion of the project is commended to the attention of military historians. We can not, however, pass over in silence a very interesting observation of a political character. Alberoni insists that during the campaign no new taxes should be laid upon the conquered lands; more than that, no changes must be made in the fiscal policy applied to the Christians in Turkey; such action might cause them to wish that the Turkish 18 Some of these observations we meet in the writings of our contemporaries. Read for instance the following passages taken from the proclamation of General Camerana of June 16, 1912, to the Arabs: "The Italian victories follow one another. This is a proof that God is forsaking the Turks. * Nothing on earth happens but according to the will of God. Would the Italians be victorious, if it were not by the will of God?"

*

administration had not been changed, for it was a maxim with the latter never to make any changes in the system of taxation.

V

Defending himself against various accusations made against him to which we have already referred, the cardinal writes: "I shall have little difficulty in clearing myself from the imputation of bigotry. And I have reason to believe, that people know rather well that I am not versed in the science of casuistry and controversy. I have always felt that no other means should be resorted to to reconcile the varying views of Christians than those recommended by the scriptures, that is to say, gentleness, tolerance, godliness and purity of morals. And I am certain that the ministers of Protestant Powers who were accredited to the court of Spain during my connection with the government will do me the justice to certify that they have never known me possessed of any other sentiments. I was moreover so entirely opposed to persecution, that I urged the king repeatedly to grant freedom of conscience in his lands; and this was not all: I even dared to propose a plan for reducing the powers of the Inquisition, a fact which, I am sure, had not a little to do with my dismissal. I was so free from ultra-religious sentiments that during the last war in Hungary my adversaries accused me of favoring the Turks In the project which he presents to his contemporaries, the first thing to do, or "the first measure to take," is to assemble a Congress at Ratisbon, to which the Powers are to be invited in the name of His Imperial Majesty. A very characteristic point to be noted here, which is all the more striking because written by a prince of the Catholic Church, is the fact that this initiative is not only not entrusted to the Pope, but that the latter is left altogether out of the project, which does not even refer to the Pontifical State. This is again the more striking because his contemporary, the great philosopher Leibnitz, associated the Emperor and the Pope in this enterprise. Alberoni moreover insists upon the necessity of determining in this preliminary assembly the portions that are to be distributed among the Powers taking part in it, believing that such an arrangement is the first condition, on the one hand, for the success of the enterprise, and

on the other, for the pacific organization of Christian Europe. In this Congress, the following preliminary dispositions were to be decided:

(1) The religious question within the Empire of Constantinople must be settled on the basis of the Peace of Westphalia, without prejudice to the rights, to the doctrine or to the rules of the Greek, Copt or Armenian Churches;

(2) A general customs tariff, without distinction or special privileges in favor of any nation, shall be agreed upon for all the Christian Powers; (3) No prince nor any state shall claim sovereignty over the Archipelago; this will greatly contribute to the development of commerce and prevent disputes between merchant flags;

(4) The fortifications along the Dardanelles must be demolished; (5) The dominum maris of the Emperors of Constantinople shall be limited to the straits of Gallipoli.

It is only in the interest of general peace that he attempts to limit the powers and sway of the Emperors of Constantinople. "The world has many reasons to complain of the excessive power of certain princes, since oftentimes this power has been employed only for the purpose of furthering their inordinate ambition and shameful purposes. It is, therefore, prudent to foresee all possible measures, in order to forestall in every prince an excess of power which might render him dangerous to his neighbors. It is really to be hoped," he continues, "that our plan of a Perpetual Diet for insuring the tranquillity of Christianity will produce the desired result. But it is difficult to guard sufficiently against future events: there is a strange rotation in the course of sublunary affairs. Nothing is more variable than political systems; do not princes who, for many years, have been in complete discord rush into each other's arms in consequence of some new influences and speculations, and do not these same princes congratulate each other upon things which in other days had been the source of much bloodshed? It is not impossible, therefore, that the new Emperor or his successors may not at a given moment have views that are not in harmony with the general interest of Europe. This power can, therefore, not be curtailed too much." The Perpetual Diet of the Christian Powers must be clothed with the authority to settle amicably all disputes and controversies. "If such a tribunal had already been established in Christianity, we