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schools, colleges, rifle clubs, and other new miscellaneous returns and accounts, all of which are audited in this office.

12. The needs of the Small-arms Division are based on the increased activities, especially in regard to the cost reduction on components and similar work and the expected increased appropriations that will lead to increased production and clerical supervision of increased manufactures.

13. For these reasons it is felt that the appropriation of $1,429,500 to provide for 1,500 employees is most urgently needed. WILLIAM CRozier,

Brigadier General, Chief of Ordnance, U. S. Ármy.

Additional employees needed by Office of the Chief of Ordnance.

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Estimates of appropriations required for the service of the fiscal year ending June 30, 1918, by the War Department.

Detailed objects of expenditure, and explanations.

Total amount to be appropriated un

der each

head of appropriation.

Amount appropri ated for the fiscal year for which the appropria tion is re

quired.

WAR DEPARTMENT.

Additional employees, War Department-
For the temporary employment of such additional force o clerks and other
employees as in the judgment of the Secretary of War may be proper and
necessary to the prompt, efficient, and accurate dispatch of official business
in the War Department and its bureaus, to be allotted by the Secretary of
War to such bureaus and offices as the exigencies of the existing situation
may demand: Provided, That the Secretary of War shall submit to Con-
gress on the first day of its next regular session a statement showing, by
bureaus or offices, the number and designation of the persons employed
hereunder and the annual rate of compensation paid to each (June 15, 1917,
public act No. 23, p. 4)..

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THE SECOND LIBERTY LOAN

AND THE CAUSES OF OUR WAR WITH GERMANY

ADDRESS

HON. W. G. McADOO

SECRETARY OF THE TREASURY

DELIVERED AT THE ANNUAL CONVENTION OF THE
AMERICAN BANKERS' ASSOCIATION,

AT ATLANTIC CITY,. N. J.

September 28, 1917

PRESENTED BY MR. SHAFROTH

SEPTEMBER 29, 1917.-Ordered to be printed

WASHINGTON

GOVERNMENT PRINTING OFFICE

THE SECOND LIBERTY LOAN AND THE CAUSES OF OUR WAR WITH GERMANY.

It

Mr. GOEBEL AND GENTLEMEN OF THE AMERICAN BANKERS' ASSOCIATION: would be difficult for me to express adequately to you my gratitude for the generous introduction of your president and for the cordiality of this reception. I should like to repeat here what I said in Kansas City, Kans., Mr. Goebel's home town, when I had the pleasure of speaking there on the first Liberty Loan. I should like to testify here, as I did there, to my admiration of the sturdy and virile patriotism of this adopted citizen of the United States. He is a man whose unswerving integrity of character, unbending courage, and love for America have set an example to men even of native birth. I would that some men who claim to have been born American citizens could be infected with his splendid qualities of patriotism.

It is a great pleasure, gentlemen, to meet you here in this convention, and to thank you in person, and to express to you my deep appreciation of the assistance that the American bankers have given to the Treasury Department during this last year of stress and trial. The responsibilities of that department can not be discharged, my friends, without your support and without the support of every American citizen. We face a time in the history of America when, with the cooperation of everyone, the humblest as well as the highest, we can do the impossible. But without that kind of support, without seemingly a spirit of exalted patriotism animating at all times the people, and animating particularly men of your stamp and character, who must be leaders in the business life of your respective communities, these great tasks can not be performed. I know, however, that the American people will respond to the call of their country, that they intend to make America more than she has ever been in her history-regnant for right, for justice, for democracy throughout the world.

I would also take advantage of this occasion to express my appreciation of the splendid work the American bankers did in helping to provide that monumental fund of mercy, the Red Cross war fund. You not only contributed your money, but your services, and you had the opportunity—and you discharged it well-of rendering another great and creditable service to your country. The credit of the Federal Government throughout its history has been maintained inviolate; its obligations have always been scrupulously observed; its engagements have always been honorably fulfilled. The national credit is the first bulwark of defense of the Nation's rights. If that credit be impaired, the whole economic and financial structure of the country is imperiled. Finance is so fundamental to war that the first duty of every nation upon the outbreak of hostilities is to conserve its financial resources and to make the national credit impregnable and sufficient for all the purposes of the war.

In all of the great financial operations in which the Government has been engaged in the past, and in all of those in which it must engage in the future, the American banker must, because of his knowledge, experience, ability, and influence, become the first line of defense and offense. His thorough cooperation with the Government relieves the task, however stupendous, of any doubt. To you, the patriotic bankers of America, has come a great responsibility and a great opportunity-the responsibility of helping your Government solve its huge financial problems successfully, and the opportunity to serve your country in ways peculiarly useful and effective at this time.

THE CAUSES OF THE WAR.

It is perhaps important that the reasons why we are at war with Germany should be restated as often as possible. There are some noisy agitators and disloyal writers in this country who have persistently endeavored to confuse the issue and to carry on a seditious and subtle propaganda for the purpose of 88293"-17 3

producing discontent among the people and of giving aid and encouragement to the enemies of the United States. A large part of this propaganda was undoubtedly financed by the German Government directly, from the outbreak of the European war, August, 1914, until America entered the war, April 6, 1917. Much of this same propaganda has probably been carried forward since America entered the war by German money left in the United States for that purpose by Von Bernstorff, the adroit and malevolent German ambassador, before he was dismissed. With that money and with money provided by German sympathizers and certain disloyal elements in the United States the propaganda has continued, but in a modified form. It would be difficult to ascertain exactly how much money has been expended for this purpose, but some of the recent disclosures by the State Department indicate how active were Germany's own representatives while in this country. It is well for the American people to realize the hypocrisy and disloyalty of all these efforts, and to determine to stamp them out relentlessly and remorselessly, because the interests of the Nation must at no time be imperiled more by the traitors within our walls than by the enemies without.

It has been repeatedly stated that America entered this war to make liberty and democracy secure throughout the world. While that is true, it must always be remembered that America entered the war for a more immediate reason. Noble and idealistic as is her championship of universal democracy, she entered this war primarily because of the persistent insults and aggressions of Germany, the wanton disregard of American rights within our own borders as well as upon the high seas, the contemptuous violation of international law, and the ruthless destruction of American life and property.

WANTON MURDER AND DESTRUCTION ON THE HIGH SEAS.

Before this war broke out, every civilized nation accepted and honored the rule that in time of war a merchant vessel, neutral or belligerent, should not be sunk by an enemy war vessel unless the lives of the passengers and crew were first made safe. Under this long-observed law an American citizen had the right to travel upon a British or a French merchant ship with the full knowledge that that ship would not be sunk by a German war vessel until the passengers and crew were taken from the ship and their safety secured. Civilized warfare has always respected the lives of noncombatants.

If a German regiment should capture a French town or city, and, while marching through the streets, should fire upon a crowd of unarmed and helpless men, women, and children, killing a great number of them, crippling and wounding others, the whole world would gasp with horror; and yet this would be far less inhuman than to sink a ship at sea containing noncombatant men, women, and children, because on land those who are wounded may be rescued, taken to the hospitals, and saved, while many who are not hit by bullets may actually escape. The reason the rule of the sea has always been rigidly enforced by every civilized nation is that if you sink an unarmed ship without giving the noncombatants a chance to escape, they are thrown into the water and all must perish. There is no chance for the wounded or the uninjured to escape. remorseless sea engulfs them all and obliterates life "without a trace." What, therefore, would be a crime of the first order in the killing of noncombatants on land is a crime of colossal and inexcusable proportions when it is committed upon the high seas.

The

Yet this is exactly what Germany has done consistently since the outbreak of the war. She has destroyed merchant vessels on the high seas without warning, killing noncombatant men, women, and children without mercy and in the most brutal and ruthless fashion, in defiance of all international law and every accepted rule of humanity and civilization.

The rights of Americans upon the high seas have been wantonly disregarded. It is not an answer to say that Americans should not have sailed on merchant ships bearing the British or the French flag. They had a right to sail on those vessels, and were compelled to sail on them because there were not enough merchant ships under the American flag to furnish transportation for American busi ness men, American consular and diplomatic officers, and others engaged in peaceful and rightful pursuits to go upon their legitimate errands. They were forced to sail under foreign flags and were entitled to the protection accorded by universally accepted international law and the mandates of civilization and humanity, viz, that the ships would not be sunk by an enemy vessel until the safety of passengers and crew was first assured.

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