so as to move them about, like pawns, to kill one another; for the payment of it all depends upon the brawn of their arms.

Cannot the liberally-educated of the world anticipate such action by comprehending the interdependence of, and the necessity for, these features and proceed at once to install this system?

W. H. B.

PREFACE TO THE FIRST PUBLIC EDITION

No change has been made in the text of this work, in the present edition.

The subjects were treated so thoroughly in the original, that constant study of the events of the succeeding years has not suggested the desirability of adding to the principles presented, although opportunities for the useful application of them have been crowding up.

The first of the copies distributed was sent to President Wilson, and, subsequently, copies with marked passages bearing on special topics as they came to the fore were addressed to him. An examination will show that it contains all of the principles which the President subsequently embodied in his "Fourteen (and other) Points;" for, while it deals primarily with an institution for compulsory arbitration and general disarmament as a judicial system, it also contains suggestions for conventions regarding the other subjects: self-determination (especially with reference to Alsace-Lorraine and colonies), territorial integrity, freedom of the seas, outlets to the sea, immigration, freedom to circulate, economic barriers, the necessity, in order to establish an enduring peace, of a negotiated convention, and not a dictated instrument, etc., etc.

Secret treaties would be precluded, as entire dependence would be placed in a system of uniform law.

The President's remarkable presentation of those principles, as ideals, secured for them universal approval, save from the imperialistically inclined.

(1) See "Annex VIII"

An examination will show, in proof of the above statements, that, were the "Covenant" discarded and the belligerent nations relegated to the situation which obtained at the time of the acceptance of President Wilson's "Points," as the basis of the peace, the provisions under "A Proposed Convention for Compulsory Disarmament and Arbitration" (p. 57) and the several suggestions for conventions on other topics (pp. 4549), all in statutory form, would adequately provide for the establishment of those principles, for which Americans were allowed to suppose that they were contributing to the war.

When published, it was, and doubtless still is, the only work which treated all, or any number, of these subjects (which is here done in the compass of three score pages) and is the only one known to the writer which provides for a system of enforcing international obligations without the use of armed force, a system, moreover, under which all nations would co-operate to give support because of the srongest of incentives-self-preservation.

While the principal feature in this "Plan," the sanction of non-intercourse, or isolation, to force nations, was adopted by the Paris Conference, the Committee limited its employment in the "Draft" to compel submission to the jurisdiction, of the League, only. It then extended it, in the adopted "Covenant," so as also to enforce compliance with decisions, in conformity with one of the suggesttions supplied it in the writer's "Memorandum on the Draft" (Annex III), but its application, like that of all of the provisions for supposed benefits under the Covenant, was so qualified by conditions as to leave no obligation that a powerful nation might not avoid.

As the revised Covenant still provided for a coalition, invested with powers for imperial domination, based on a "Victor's Peace," requiring discretionary action (diplomacy) in all important operations, and not simply a judicial institution following the scope of the Hague Conventions, to work almost automatically and without preference, as is set forth in this work, the writer published a "Memorandum on the Covenant" (Annex V), in the hope that it would be brought into closer conformity with the ideals, but no further revision was made.

The subjects which seem to Americans to be the most vital to them, are those concerning the maintenance of the Monroe Doctrine (Art. XXI) and the guarantee of the integrity of the Nations (Art. X). In regard to the former, attention is directed to the diminution of the importance that that Doctrine would have under a system of general disarmament (p. 30); and, as to the latter, to the complete protection that the sanction of isolation would afford to each independent state, large or small (pp. 31, 46 and 50), and the much greater ease with which backward nations could be forced from the outside to observe civilized conduct, than to enter their territories and attempt to regulate all of their actions.

As the Covenant embodies most of the plan of The League to Enforce Peace, the difficulties that might arise, were an attempt made to operate under it, would be largely those presented at page 37 et seq., regarding co-operation, the mobilization of armed forces, etc., upon the failure of voluntary submission by a nation. The provisions of the Covenant, too, are grossly defective, inasmuch as openings for war are left in it, and yet it marks no attempt to develop further rules of warfare.

Comments on the Draft Scheme for a Permanent Court are contained in Annex IX.

No discussion is undertaken of the "reservations" proposed by the Senate. The writer believes, with President Eliot, that they add nothing. The astute British diplomatists saw to it that the provisions of the Covenant should be unworkable whenever it was not to their interest to have them operate and injected reservations at every turn. We can avail ourselves of the same provisions, if that is our reason for having a Covenant. The difference in conduct is, that we are simple-mindedly emphasizing what we would probably refuse to do; while they, diplomatically, are reserving the expression of their intentions, so as to have double exits from which to choose in emergencies. A number of our Senators understood this and some of them doubtless discussed reservations in order to gain time for the public to become educated as to the "Covenant" and overcome the influence exerted by the short-visioned peace workers supported by their foundations.

Imperious grounds, independent of the reservations, for the rejection of The Covenant by America and almost all other nations, are set forth in Annex VII: "The Covenant as a Diplomatic Achievement," showing how the management of the League has been seized by one nation.

A warning should be expressed as to the application of the sanction of non-intercourse, or isolation. It has been suggested as a means to be employed by the Council to coerce Russia. No such employment of it is recommended by the writer. It could not stand the strain and such an