Peter the Great had removed his Government from Moscow to the new city at the mouth of the Neva.

The Pan-Soviet Congress numbered 1,164 delegates, the majority being soldiers, sailors, and workmen drawn largely from Bolshevist constituencies, principally in European Russia's industrial centres, with very few delegates representing the peasants, the so-called bourgeoisie, (merchants, manufacturers, and business men,) or the professional classes; of the 1,164 delegates 732 were outspoken followers of Lenine; there were thirty-eight Social Revolutionaries, representing the moderate Socialists. M. Sverdloff, Chairman of the Central Committee of the Congress, presided.

Premier Lenine made the principal speech in favor of ratifying the treaty, which had previously been indorsed by a caucus of the Bolsheviki by almost unanimous vote.

PRESIDENT WILSON'S MESSAGE

A telegram from President Wilson was read at the opening session. It was as follows:

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May I not take advantage of the meeting of the Congress of the Soviets to express the sincere sympathy which the people of the United States feel for the Russian people at this moment when the German power has been thrust in to interrupt and turn back the whole struggle for freedom and substitute the wishes of Germany for the purpose of the people of Russia?

"Although the Government of the United States is, unhappily, not now in a position to render the direct and effective aid it would wish to render, I beg to assure the people of Russia through the congress that it will avail itself of every opportunity to secure for Russia once more complete sovereignty and independence in her own affairs and full restoration to her great rôle in the life of Europe and the modern world.

"The whole heart of the people of the United States is with the people of Russia in the attempt to free themselves forever from autocratic government and become the masters of their own life. (Signed) "WOODROW WILSON." Washington, March 11, 1918.

The message was telegraphed to the American Consul General at Moscow for delivery to the congress.

Samuel Gompers, President of the American Federation of Labor, sent the following cablegram:

To the All-Russian Soviet, Moscow:

We address you in the name of world liberty. We assure you that the people of the United States are pained by every blow at Russian freedom, as they would be by a blow at their own. The American people desire to be of service to the Russian people in their struggle to safeguard freedom and realize its opportunities. We desire to be informed as to how we may help.

We speak for a great organized movement of working people who are devoted to the cause of freedom and the ideals of democracy. We assure you also that the whole American Nation ardently desires to be helpful to Russia and awaits with eagerness an indication from Russia as to how help may most effectively be extended.

To all those who strive for freedom we say: Courage! Justice must triumph if all free people stand united against autocracy! We await your suggestions. American Alliance for Labor and Democracy.

SAMUEL GOMPERS, President.

Cablegrams of similar import were sent by a large convention of Russian workmen held in New York, and by the American Security League.

President Wilson's message was read at the opening session of the congress. On the next day the congress adopted the following resolution in reply:

The congress expresses its gratitude to the American people, above all to the laboring and exploited classes of the United States, for the sympathy expressed to the Russian people by President Wilson through the Congress of Soviets in the days of severe trials.

The Russian Socialistic Federative Republic of Soviets takes advantage of President Wilson's communication to express to all peoples perishing and suffering from the horrors of imperialistic war its warm sympathy and firm belief that the happy time is not far distant when the laboring masses of all countries will throw off the yoke of capitalism and will establish a socialistic state of society, which alone is capable of securing just and lasting peace as well as the culture and well-being of all laboring people.

In presenting the cablegram the Chairman said:

Comrades, allow me, in the name of the congress, to express my firm belief that the wide masses of the proletariat and the semi-proletariat of Western Europe, as well as of America and Australia, are with us with all their hearts. Allow me to express my firm belief that these masses are watching with the closest attention the struggle which we are carrying on here in Russia, and I will permit myself to submit to your attention the resolution which was adopted by the presiding body of the Central Executive Committee in answer to President Wilson's address to the congress.

The telegram of the President of the American Federation of Labor was read to the congress and received with applause, but no action regarding it was taken. The Chairman announced that the message sent to the American people as the reply to President Wilson was sufficient.

RATIFYING THE TREATY

No

The congress, after a three days' session, adjourned March 16, having approved the removal of the capital to Moscow and elected a new Central Executive Committee of 200 members. official report of the proceedings had been given out up to the time this record was closed, (March 20.) The impression conveyed by the semi-official reports was that the Bolsheviki ostensibly persisted in their belief that their revolutionary movement would so infect Germany and Austria as to cause the people of those countries to prevent the execution of the onerous terms of the treaty and enable the Bolsheviki to complete their revolutionary program.

The vote in the congress on ratifying the treaty stood 704 to 261. Two Bolshevist Commissaries-Debenko and Kolantai-and four Social Revolutionaries -Steinberg, Kalagaieff, Karelin, and Broshian-resigned from the Bolshevist Cabinet when the result was announced. It was asserted that the full provisions of the treaty were not made public, (the published terms appear on Page 54,) and it was charged that Germany had exacted an indemnity of 9,000,000,000 rubles, and that secret economic provisions gave Germany complete mastery of the former Russian Empire.

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The Bolsheviki changed the name of their party on March 16 to the Communist Party."

VON HERTLING DEFENDS TREATY

Chancellor von Hertling, on the first reading in the Reichstag of the peace treaty with Russia, March 19, declared that he did not wish to discuss the opinions of Germany's enemies. He continued:

Hypocrisy has become second nature to the enemy, whose untruthfulness is made worse by its brutality. Every attempt at calm explanation and every real deliberation must fail, when the enemy, at the very moment he is laying a heavy hand on a neutral country, dares to speak of a policy guided by complete unselfishness. The treaty with Russia contains no conditions disgraceful to Russia, if the provinces breaking away from Russia say it is in accordance with their own wish and the wish is accepted by Russia. The Chancellor declared that Courland and Lithuania were united to Germany politically, economically, and militarily, and added:

Livonia and Esthonia are the eastern frontier fixed by the treaty, but we hope that they also will have close and friendly relations with Germany; not, however, to the exclusion of their friendly relations with Russia. Poland is not mentioned in the treaty, and we shall endeavor to see if it is possible to live in stable and good-neighborly relations with the new State.

If the Reichstag adopts the treaty, peace on the whole eastern front will be restored, as I announced Feb. 24; but among the Entente Powers there is not the least inclination to finish this terrible war. The responsibility for bloodshed will be upon the heads of those who wish continuation of the bloodshed.

NEGOTIATIONS REVIEWED

The Chancellor referred to Russia's proposal that all the belligerents enter into the peace negotiations, and added:

We and our allies accepted the proposals and sent delegates to BrestLitovsk. The powers until then allied with Russia remained aloof. The course of the negotiations is known to you. You remember the endless speeches, which were intended not so much for the delegates there assembled as for the public at large, and which caused the desired goal of an understanding to recede into the distance. You remember the repeated interruptions, the rupture and the resumption of the negotiations. The

point had been reached where " yes or "" no had to be said, and on March 3 peace was concluded at Brest-Litovsk. On March 16 it was ratified by a competent assembly at Moscow.

If in the telegram from Washington it was thought fit to express to the Congress assembled at Moscow the sympathy of the United States at a moment when, as it says, the German power obtruded itself, in order to bring success to the battle for freedom, then

calmly aside with the rest.

*

put that

contem

We have not for a moment plated, and do not contemplate, opposing the justified wishes and endeavor of Russia to be liberated. As I said on Nov. 29, we desire for that sorely tried land a speedy return to a peaceful and orderly state of affairs, and we deeply deplore the terrible conditions which have made their appearance in many places.

Among the Entente there is not the slightest inclination to abandon the war, but rather the intention is manifested to continue this terrible combat till we are destroyed. We shall not lose courage on that account, for we are prepared for everything. We are prepared to make further sacrifices and stand firm as a rock in our confidence in our splendid army leadership and our heroic soldiers.

NO DISHONOR IN TREATY

Discussing the Russian treaty, the Chancellor said:

It contains no conditions whatever which dishonor Russia, no mention of oppressive war indemnities, no forcible appropriations of Russian territory. A number of the border States have severed their connection with the Russian State in accordance with their own will, which was recognized by Russia. In regard to these States we adopt the standpoint formerly expressed by me, that under the mighty protection of the German Empire they can give themselves political form corresponding with their situation and the tendency of their kultur, while at the same time, of course, we are safeguarding our own interests.

In recognizing the independence of Courland the Chancellor said he thankfully and joyfully had taken cognizance of Courland's "desire to lean on the German Empire, which, indeed, corresponds to the old cultural relations." He added that he expected a deputation from Lithuania within the next few days, after which Lithuania would likewise be recognized as an independent State. In Livonia and Esthonia things were different. Under the peace treaty these countries would be policed by Germany,

on their own invitation, until security was guaranteed and order restored.

The moment for a new political orientation will then have come for these countries, [the Chancellor went on.] We hope and desire that they, too, will place themselves in close and friendly relationship to the German Empire, but in such a way does that this not exclude peaceable, friendly relations with Russia.

FINLAND AND UKRAINE

While the congress was ratifying the treaty, the German invasion of Finland and the Austro-German invasion of the Ukraine continued uninterruptedly. On March 20 the invaders were in possession of Odessa, Kiev, and all the principal cities in the Ukraine, and were within 200 miles of Moscow. The Turks recovered Trebizond and Erzerum in Asia Minor, and were in full possession of Trans-Caucasia, thus giving the Central Powers complete control of the Black Sea.

The invasion of Ukraine by the Germans after the signing of the peace treaty Feb. 9 was excused on the pretext that the step was taken at the request of the faction of Ukrainians opposed to the Bolsheviki.

INVITING GERMAN INVASION

It was announced on Feb. 17 that the delegation representing the anti-Bolshevist Ukrainians had handed to the German Government the following declaration:

To the German People: On Feb. 9 this year we signed, in the deep and ardent desire to live in peace and friendship with our neighbors, a peace treaty with the States of the Quadruple Alliance in order to put an end to this useless and fratricidal war, and we united all our strength to one end, namely, to establish and insure the life of our own independent State.

The joyful news of Feb. 9, however, for which the working masses of our people so greatly longed, has brought us no peace in our land. The enemy of our freedom has invaded our country for the purpose once more, as 254 years ago, to subjugate the Ukrainian people with fire and sword. The Russian Maximalists, who, a month ago, dispersed the AllRussian Constitutional Assembly in Petrograd, consisting almost solely of Socialists, have now undertaken, as they call it, a holy war against the Socialists of the Ukraine.

From the north hired bands of Red Guards are falling upon our country. They unite themselves with Russian soldiers who have deserted from the front and with liberated jailbirds. Under the experienced command of former police gendarmes, they force their way into our towns; have our public men and leaders of public opinion shot; they levy contributions from the inhabitants, and, after destroying and burning our towns, they pass on, seeking new booty.

This barbaric invasion of our northern neighbors once again, under hypocritical pretexts, sets up as its aim, as earlier in our history, the destruction of the independence of our State. Its real and ultimate objects lie, however, in the ignoble intentions and machinations of those who have an interest in seeing anarchy reign in the Ukraine, as also of those who are striving after the return of the old despotism.

Before the whole world we declare that the Petrograd Commissioners of the People lie when they talk about a rising of the people in the Ukraine, and that they lie when they describe the Central Rada, the Parliament of the Ukrainian

People's Republic, which consists of

Ukrainian Socialists and has carried out far-reaching social-democratic reforms, as a Rada of bourgeois.

The Petrograd Commissioners, who with words only have stubbornly defended the weal of the Ukraine, Poland, Courland, and other peoples, have made use of a fine pose at Brest-Litovsk to recall from the front the remnants of the Russian Army for the purpose of secretly throwing them against the Ukraine to rob us, to send our stocks of corn to the north, and to subjugate the country.

Now, when, after four years, the rigid wall has fallen which separated us from our western neighbors, we raise our voice to proclaim the misfortune of our people. We must see the fruits of our own young revolution in danger, and we fear for our newly won freedom. Sanguinary collisions with Russian bands take place daily. In Volhynia and at other points we are collecting new forces to oppose the swarms who are ever anew pressing in from the north.

In this hard struggle for our existence we look round for help. We are firmly convinced that the peaceful and orderloving German people will not remain indifferent when it learns of our distress. The German Army, that stands on the flank of our northern enemy, possesses the power to help us and, by its intervention, to protect the northern frontiers against further invasion by the enemy. This is what we have to say in this dark hour, and we know that our voice will be heard.

FINLAND'S PEACE TREATY

Fierce fighting between the Red Guards and the Finland Independents was in progress up to March 20. The Germans first occupied Aland Island and then pushed forward into the mainland. On March 7 it was announced that a peace treaty had been signed between Finland and Germany. Article 1 de

clared that no state of war existed between Germany and Finland; that the contracting parties were resolved henceforth to live in peace and friendship, and that Germany would exert herself to secure recognition by all the powers of Finland's autonomy and independence. On the other hand, Finland would cede no portion of her territory to a foreign power nor grant such power any easement on territory over which she is sovereign without previously coming to an understanding with Germany on the subject. The other articles relate to the resumption of diplomatic and consular relations immediately after the ratification of the peace treaty, renunciation by each party of compensation for war costs and indemnities, restoration of State treaties and private rights, exchange of prisoners of war and interned civilians, and compensation for civil damages.

Those treaties between Germany and Russia which had ceased to be operative were to be replaced by new treaties corresponding to the altered conditions. In particular, negotiations were to begin immediately for a commercial treaty, and meanwhile trade relations were to be regulated between both countries by a trade and shipping agreement.

Respecting private rights, all military laws were to cease to be operative on ratification of the treaty. The relations of creditor and debtor were to be restored, and the payment of obligations, particularly public debt, would be resumed. A commission was to meet in Berlin for the purpose of fixing civil damages. It would be composed of representatives of both parties and neutral members, each to have a one-third representation. The President of Switzerland was to be requested to nominate neutral members, including the Chairman.

EXTENT THESE PROVINCES

Finnish prisoners of war in Germany and German prisoners in Finland were to be exchanged with all possible dispatch, and deported or interned civilian nationals of either side sent home.

Then followed stipulations concerning amnesty, return or compensation for merchant ships, &c.; for the settlement of questions relative to the Aland Islands, and providing that fortifications on the islands should be removed as

ARE

speedily as possible, and the permanent nonfortification of the islands regulated by special agreement.

Instruments of ratification were to be exchanged in Berlin as soon as possible. Four months after the ratification representatives of the contracting parties would meet in Berlin for the purpose of negotiating a supplementary treaty.

On March 14 it was announced that a number of Americans, including Henry