Petrograd the crews of three warships in the Neva held meetings and decided that so far as they were concerned the war was over and that each sailor was free to return to his village. The silver plate, crockery, and every particle of the movable equipment were divided and distributed so that each member of the crew received approximately an equal share. A sailor presiding at one of the meetings presented a resolution authorizing the distribution with the argument that the warships formerly belonged to the Czar, but the revolution made them the people's property. As it was impossible to divide equally the three cruisers among 180,000,000 people, the crews of these three ships had a perfect right to divide the materials provided they relinquished claim to any other properties of the former Czar. Everything in the Russian Army and Navy is now in a process of liquidation in a similar manner. Regiments are dividing clothing and the supplies. The automobile units are selling their motors and supplies and dividing the proceeds, while the commissary is making an equal distribution of food. The psychological formula of the soldier units today is to gather all the loot and spoils possible, divide equally, and return to the native village as quickly as possible for the purpose of being present when the land is redistributed. Horseflesh is the only meat available in Petrograd, and queues of forlorn and hungry people extend for blocks on each side of the butcher shops. A more varied crowd cannot be imagined. Ragged and well dressed children, fur-clad women and shabby servants and street sweepers and army officers wait hour after hour with unbelievable patience for a few pounds of horseflesh. Each queue eventually becomes an indignation meeting against the existing order of things. The women especially are bitter, blaming the Bolsheviki for all their troubles. If one stands in a queue for a few moments he is sure to overhear the expression of the hope that the Germans will soon occupy Petrograd, and there is never a dissenting protest. Horse meat costs 3 rubles ($1.50) a pound. Formerly Petrograd was noted for the huge flocks of pigeons which lived in belfries of the cathedrals, but most of these have already found their way to the pot. Dogs and cats are disappearing. Here are a few prices of commodities: Pototoes, 2 rubles ($1) a pound; butter, 131⁄2 rubles ($7.25) a pound; sugar, 15 rubles ($7.50) a pound; porridge, 6 rubles, ($3;) flour, 5 rubles, ($2.50;) rice, 8 rubles, ($4,) and bread from 2 to 7 rubles ($1 to $3.50) a pound. ANNIVERSARY OF REVOLUTION Herman Bernstein cabled The New York Herald on March 13 as follows: On the eve of the anniversary of the Russian revolution Petrograd presents a sad sight. The fairy tale of longdreamed dreams awakened by the overthrow of Czarism is now a nightmare of terror, starvation, plunder, and demoralization. The bourgeoisie are hard hit. Fur-coated ladies are selling newspapers at the street corners. Bankers and Generals are cleaning the streets and working as railroad station carriers and theatrical supernumeraries. The proletariat is commencing to suffer from lack of employment. Petrograd's fate is apparently sealed as the great Russian capital. The Ministers are hurrying away and there is a general evacuation by rail, by sleigh, and on foot, as from Moscow during the Napoleonic invasion. Petrograd is daily the scene of many murders, robberies, holdups, and raids. When the Government departments leave, excesses on a large scale are feared, even though several regiments have published warnings that pogrom makers will be shot immediately. A grave catastrophe is expected in the next few weeks. Persons are summarily killed in various parts of the city to terrorize the population, and people are shot on the slightest pretext without trials. The Department of Justice now demands a thorough investigation of the murder of so-called counter-revolutionists by unknown persons. Text of Decree Repudiating Russia's Debts The official proclamation repudiating Russia's debts was dated Feb. 8, 1918, (New Style,) and was finally approved by the Central Committee. The text is as follows: 1. All loans contracted by former Russian Governments which are specified in a special list are canceled as from Dec. 1, 1917. The December coupons of these loans will not be paid. 2. All the guarantees for these loans are canceled. 3. All loans made from abroad are canceled without exception and unconditionally. 4. The short-term series of State Treasury bonds retain their validity. The interest on them will not be payable, but they will circulate on a par with paper money. 5. Indigent persons who hold stock not exceeding 10,000 rubles in internal loans will receive in exchange, according to the nominal value of their holdings, certificates in their own name for a new loan of the Russian Socialist Federal Republic of Soviets for an amount not exceeding that of their previous holding. The conditions of this loan are specially defined. 6. Deposits in the State savings banks and the interest upon them are not to be touched. All holdings in the canceled loans belonging to these banks will be replaced by debt entered to their credit in the Great Book of the Russian Socialist Republic. 7. Co-operative and other institutions of general or democratic utility, and possessing holdings in the canceled loans, will be indemnified in accordance with the special regulations laid down by the Supreme Council of Political Economy, in agreement with their representatives, if it is proved that the holdings were acquired before the publication of the present decree. 8. The State Bank is charged with the complete liquidation of loans and the immediate registration of all holders of bonds in the State loans and other whether annulled or not. funds, 9. The Soviet of the Workmen's, Soldiers', and Peasants' Deputies, in accord with the local economic councils, will form committees for the purpose of deciding whether a citizen is to be classed as "indigent." These committees will be competent to cancel entirely all savings acquired without working for them, even in the case of sums below 5,000 rubles. THE CALENDAR REVISED A decree was issued Feb. 7 by the Bolshevist Government, providing for the adoption of the Gregorian, or "New Style," calendar, as from Thursday, Feb. 14, 1918, "the first day after Jan. 31, 1918, (Russian style,) being reckoned as Feb. 14." This abolishes the " Old Style" calendar, which caused Russian dates to lag thirteen days behind the corresponding dates in the rest of the world. Proclamation of the "Social Revolution" Lenine's First Manifestoes ZVESTIA, the full title of which is I News of the Committee of the Petrograd Soviet of Workmen's and Soldiers' Deputies," is the official organ of the Bolshevist Government at Petrograd. No. 210 of this small four-page newspaper, issued on Nov. 11, 1917, and dated Oct. 29, (Old Style,) contains the first proclamation of the "Social Revolution," the uprising which overthrew the Kerensky Government, along with other documents of a similar nature. CURRENT HISTORY MAGAZINE herewith presents its own translation of these historic milestones on the road to Russia's present catastrophe: TO WORKMEN COMRADES! By the will of the All-Rusian Congress of Soviets of Workmen's and Soldiers' Deputies has been created a Temporary Peasants' and Workmen's Government. By its direction the Commission of Labor turns to you, Workmen Comrades, with a cordial invitation to help the work of strengthening the revolution and its conquests. The propertied classes are trying to create anarchy and ruin in production, provoking violence among the workmen, excesses and attacks upon master workmen, technicians, and engineers. They hope in this way to bring about a complete and final dislocation of all enterprises and then to shut the doors of the factories and industries. The Revolutionary Commis No 210 Воскресенье, 29 октября 1917 г. ИЗВѢСТІЯ ЦЕНА: въ Петроградѣ 15 коп. на ст. жел д. 18 коп. Центральнаго Исполнительнаго Комитета И ПЕТРОГРАДСКАГО Совѣтя РАБОЧИХЪ И СОЛДАТСКИХЪ ДЕПУТАТОВЪ. Адресь конторы: Лиговка, Сайканъ пер., д. No 6. Телефонъ No 218-41. ТОВАРИЩИ РАБОЧІЕ! Волей Всероссійскаго Съѣзда Совѣтовъ Рабочихъ и Солдатскихъ Депутатовъ создано Временное Крестьянское и Рабочее Правительство. По его порученію, Комиссія Труда обращается къ Вамъ, Товарищи Рабочіе, съ горячимъ призывомъ помочь дѣлу укрѣпленія революціи и ея завоеваніямъ. PART OF FIRST PAGE OF IZVESTIA, THE BOLSHEVIST OFFICIAL ORGAN IN sion of Labor turns to you, Workmen Comrades, asking you to abstain from violences and excesses. By the fraternal and creative work of the popular working masses and the proletariat organizations, the Commisison of Labor will be able to remove all obstacles standing in its way. To all producers and to all who continue sabotage, and thereby place obstacles in the way of the problems and aims of the great proletarian-peasant revolution, the new Revolutionary Government will apply the severest measures. Lynch law and every violence can only injure the work of the revolution. The Commission of Labor summons you to self-control and revolutionary discipline. (Signed) The People's Commissioner of Labor, ALEXANDER SHLYAPNIKOFF. In the same number the elimination of Alexander Kerensky is thus announced: TO THE WHOLE PEOPLE! Former Minister Kerensky, overthrown by the people, refuses to accept the decision of the All-Russian Congress of Soviets, and is making criminal attempts to resist the lawful Government, elected by the All-Russian Congress of the Soviet of People's Commissaries. The army has refused to support Kerensky. Moscow has united itself to the new Government. A whole series of other cities (Minsk, Mohilev, Kharkov) has passed under the power of the Soviets. Not one infantry element opposes the Workmen's and Peasants' Government, which, in harmony with the firm will of the army and people, has entered upon peace negotiations, and has transferred the land to the peasants. Like General Korniloff, a few squadrons of misguided Cossacks were collected by this criminal enemy of the people, who is trying to deceive the population of Petrograd with lying manifestoes. We announce for the information of all: If the Cossacks do not arrest Kerensky, who is deceiving them, and if they move against Petrograd, the army of the revolution, with all the force of its arms, will defend the precious conquests of the revolution: Peace and land. Citizens of Petrograd, Kerensky has fled from the city, leaving you in the hands of Kishkin, who advocates the surrender of Petrograd to the Germans; in the hands of Ruttenberg, organizer of the Black Hundred, who has disorganized the production of the city in the hands of Palchinski, who heartily detests alldemocracy. Kerensky has run away, giving you up to surrender to the Germans, to famine, to a bath of blood. The people rising in its might has arrested the Ministers of Kerensky, and you have seen that the order and production of Petrograd have simply gained by this. Kerensky, on the demand of the nobles, landowners, capitalists, speculators, is going against you, in order to return the land to the landowners, in order once more to prolong the ruinous, detested war. Citizens of Petrograd, we know that the vast majority of you are for the power of the revolutionary people, against the Korniloffists, led by Kerensky. Do not let yourself be deceived by lying proclamations of impotent bourgeois talkers, who will be crushed without pity. THE PETROGRAD SOVIET OF WORKMEN'S Petrograd, Oct 28, (Old Style,) 1917. Immediate democratic peace, this is one of the great world problems of the Russian revolution. But only a Workmen's and Peasants' Government is capable of realizing this problem, since only such a Government expresses the will of the whole Russian people and will inflexibly carry out that will. Thus, for the first time in the course of the seven months of the revolution, the fate of the masses of the people is in their own hands. Until the uprising of Oct. 24-25, (Nov. 6-7, New Style,) the Provisional Government did nothing to solve this mighty problem, because it was a Government of Russian serfs and allied capitalists. Step by step it receded from the program of peace of the Russian revolutionary democracy. It betrayed it in the interest of allied capitalists. To the detriment of peace, it carried on secret negotiations with these capitalists behind the back of the Russian revolutionary democracy. By organizing the July offensive, it drove Russia into the path of destruction and knocked from the hands of the German proletariat a weapon pointed at the breast of the Government of Wilhelm II. Therefore, being the Government of the serfs of the bourgeoisie, it feared the proletariat masses, and to the fulfillment of their will preferred even the triumph of the German bourgeoisie. And the Socialist supporters, all the Tseretellis, Liebers, Avskentieffs, upheld it, sharing with it the betrayal of the interest of the Russian revolution, the interest of peace, the interest of the Russian and European working masses. Only the present Workmen's and Peasants' Government can guarantee peace to the tortured Russian and other peoples, steeped in their brothers' blood. It has established the question of peace on simple, unshakable ground. It raises on high the red flag of international socialism, and demands peace without annexations or contributions, in' principle condemning all annexations, no matter when they were made. But, being faithful to the principles of international socialism, it understands the full justice of the words of Karl Liebknecht: That the worst enemy of every proletariat is in its own country, and that only a revolution of the proletariat of Europe has the power finally to liberate all lands held in slavery until the present war. And it states the real question of peace. It demands an immediate truce on all fronts, announces its willingness to consider calmly and objectively all peace proposals, and sets a period of three months for the consideration of these proposals. Already demanding a truce on all fronts, the Workmen's and Peasants' Government spurns the base insinuation that it is striving after a separate peace. It is not at all seeking to break with its allies, but it has taken a defensive position, thanks to which in all allied countries the true workmen's democracy will have the decisive voice. And the fact that, in Russia, power and the negotiation of peace are in the hands, not of a traitor, but of the real representatives of the workmen, soldiers, and peasants, will strengthen the movement in favor of peace in allied countries also, as well as in Germany and Austria. This open advance with the demand for peace, with its condemnation of secret diplomacy, will find an echo not only in the world's proletariat but also among the great masses of the countries forced and dragged into the war-Poland, Rumania, Bulgaria, Belgium, the colonies. By this means the Governments of the warring imperialistic countries are placed in a position in which the beginning of immediate peace negotiations will be irresistibly forced upon them. Thanks to the uprising of Oct. 25, the question of peace is on simple, unshakable ground. It is in the hands of the Workmen's and Peasants' Government, in the hands of the Russian masses of the people themselves. And he who does not support it is against peace, is an enemy of the proletariat, an enemy of the Russian people, an enemy of all mankind tortured by this war. Whoever is in favor of immediate truce on all fronts, whoever is in favor of peace, whoever is in favor of the triumph of democracy and the brotherhood German Methods of Decoying Russians Text of an Official Order HE following document reveals in detail the methods by which the Germans introduced their propaganda among the Russian troops and started the "fraternization" and disaffection which ended in Russia's downfall and the loss of Russian liberty. The same methods were used later upon the Italians. The document is an official order sent by the German General Staff to each of the divisions near the eastern front. It bears no date, but the sixth article shows that it was issued some time after May, 1917. The translation given below was made for CURRENT HISTORY MAGAZINE from the text printed in the Moscow daily Russkoye Slovo of Dec. 1, 1917; but the document had previously appeared in the Petrograd papers. Throughout the Summer the cleverly manipulated virus of enemy propaganda was introduced into the simple minds of the Russian soldiers by the methods here prescribed with German thoroughness. 1. 218TH ARMY DIVISION. Not to be taken to front positions. In conformance with the order trans- 2. The aim of the propaganda is to disorganize the foe's army and to obtain necessary information about it. The propaganda must be conducted (a) By throwing into the enemy trenches a large number of newspapers and manifestoes for the intellectual elements of the army; (b) By persuading the masses orally and selecting credulous officers and Sergeants in the enemy troops. 4. The front communication posts (Frontvernehmungsstellen) are subject to the authority of the commanders of the corresponding companies. The duty of the latter is as follows: (a) In his section he must seek out favorably situated points from which newspapers, manifestoes, &c., might be transmitted to the enemy. (b) At these points he must endeavor to enter into direct communication with the enemy through our interpreters and, if the enemy is disposed to do so, appoint a definite hour for meetings. 5. Every agreement in this direction must be immediately communicated over the telephone to the head of the divisional bureau of information. The head of the bureau of information alone has the right to parley with the enemy, according to definite instructions given to him. The communication posts, directed by company commanders, must merely prepare the ground for such parleys. 6. Our soldiers are strictly forbidden to enter into communication with the enemy, except as ordered above, for this would faciliIn any event, the tate enemy espionage. enemy will try to take advantage of the kindly disposition of our soldiers. The strict order (No. 39 of May 28, 1917) regarding this matter remains in full power. Written and printed matter brought by the enemy must be accepted and immediately forwarded to the head of the bureau of information. It is strictly forbidden to open them and, in general, to touch them. 7. Company commanders will begin their activities most successfully by locating, first of all, the points where the enemy accepted the papers placed for him, and where he proved hostile to our propaganda, where he moves freely and without fear in his trenches, and, finally, where his behavior is decidedly Positions where hostile and forbidding. are discovered artillery observation posts should be avoided, for French officers and instructors may be there. 8. The success of opening communications above-described with the enemy by the method depends on the adroitness with which the first steps are made. Shouts will only frighten the enemy, who is timid by nature, and throw the whole post Good results are obtained by into alarm. words delivered in a quiet tone of voice and full of feelings of comradeship, by a frequent repetition of these attempts at the |