either of the gentlemen named. There exists no longer any reason for concealment on the subject; and it is therefore now admitted that this note was written from memorandums made at the time by the author of this volume.

EXTRACT.

"Governor Clinton, however, remained unmoved by the most earnest solicitations; and, with matchless firmness, resisted the arguments of Mr. Burr, who forcibly asserted that it was a right inherent in the community to command the services of an individual when the nature of public exigences seemed to require it. He was inflexible to the last, and then was nominated and elected without a distinct expression of his approbation. Justice, however, induces me to acknowledge, that the reasons he assigned for the reluctance with which he acted were plausible and potent.

"He explicitly declared that he had long entertained an unfavourable opinion of Mr. Jefferson's talents as a statesman and his firmness as a republican. That he conceived him an accommodating trimmer, who would change with times, and bend to circumstances for the purposes of personal promotion. Impressed with these sentiments, he could not, with propriety, he said, acquiesce in the elevation of a man destitute of the qualifications essential to the good administration of the government; and added other expressions too vulgar to be here repeated. But,' said he, with energy, 'if you, Mr. Burr, was the candidate for the presidential chair, I would act with pleasure and with vigour.'

Note. "It is so notorious that these were Governor Clinton's sentiments, that it is scarcely necessary to produce authority to prove it. To remove, however, every doubt in the reader's mind, I will refer him to Mr. David Gelston, Mr. John Mills, Mr. John Swartwout, or Mr. Matthew L. Davis, in whose presence these sentiments, and many others more disrespectful, if possible, were uttered. It was at the house of Mr. Burr, who, anticipating the evil consequences that at that critical moment would result from such conduct in Governor Clinton, insisted, before he left the house, that he should promise his friends to desist from using such language previous to or during the election. This was very reluctantly complied with on the part of Mr. Clinton.

"Notwithstanding this, they were continually reiterated by his son, who publicly and loudly animadverted upon the character of Mr. Jefferson with the most vulgar severity. Similar sentiments were certainly entertained by all Governor Clinton's connections, as their conduct during the election clearly evinced. Mr. Dewitt Clinton, through the whole contest, never appeared at the poll, but observed the most shameful indifference and inactivity."

Such was the estimate formed by this veteran democrat of the great "apostle of liberty"-and yet the finesse and perseverance of Burr moulded him into his support.

The importance of the New York state election, in the year 1800, is no doubt familiar to our readers. It is well known that on the result of the contest in the city depended the election of Adams or Jefferson to the presidentship-for the presidential electors being chosen by the legislature, and the state being nearly divided, the New York city members had in their hands the electoral vote of that important state, which, it was felt throughout the Union, had the power of making the president.

All eyes were turned towards the ground where the great battle was to be fought. With what anxiety Mr. Jefferson looked at it, is evinced by his letters to his friend, Mr. Madison. Burr well and early knew its importance; and brought all the powers of his mind, and all his arts of intrigue, into the contest.

We have adverted to the want of union in the democratic ranks. It was Burr who healed the dissensions.

During the winter of 1800, the efforts of Colonel Burr to bring about a concert in action of these discordant materials were unceasing. With his own personal friends he had no difficulty, for it was ever one of his characteristics to secure inviolable the attachment of his friends. They were of the most ardent and devoted kind. Confiding in his patriotism and judgment, and feeling that he was incapable of deceiving them, they seemed willing, at all times and under all circumstances, to hazard their lives and fortunes in his support. They were generally young men of gallant bearing and disinterested views. No sordid calculations were made by them. No mercenary considerations influenced their conduct. They beheld in Colonel Burr a patriot hero of the revolution, who had commingled with their fathers in the battle-field, and who had perilled every thing in his country's cause. Such were his friends, and such their zeal in his behalf. It was here that Colonel Burr was all-powerful, for he possessed, in a pre-eminent degree, the art of fascinating the youthful. But with all this tact and talent, he was credulous and easily deceived. He therefore often became the dupe of the most worthless and unprincipled."

The ticket formed was eminent for its respectability and talent. It was Burr to whom the credit of framing it was due.

"The nomination of a ticket having been made and approved at a public meeting over which Anthony Lispenard presided, its effect upon both parties was tremendous. The character and standing of the candidates seemed a presage of victory. It elated, and gave life and vigour to the republicans, while it paralysed and depressed the federalists. Never before or since has a ticket been presented to the citizens of New York composed of men combining such talents, patriotism, experience, and public services, as the republican assembly ticket for the year 1800. "Those who possess a knowledge of the character of Colonel Burr, know what were his qualifications for execution. The plan of the campaign having been opened, it only remained to be executed. In the performance of this duty, all Mr. Burr's industry, perseverance, and energy were called into operation. Nor were the federal party idle or inactive. They possessed wealth and patronage. Led on to the contest by their talented chieftain, General Hamilton, whose influence in their ranks was unbounded, they made a desperate but ineffectual resistance to the assaults upon their political citadel. If defeated here, their power was gone, and the administration of the government lost. Both General Hamilton and Colonel Burr exerted themselves personally at the polls during the three days of election. They repeatedly addressed the people, and did all that men could do. They frequently met at the same polls, and argued, in the presence of large assemblages, the debatable questions. Their deportment towards each other and towards their opponents was such as comported with the dignity of two of the most accomplished and courtly gentlemen of the age in which they lived."

The result is known. The democratic party reared its head in triumph. That Burr in this whole affair was contending in a great measure for himself is undoubted. That Mr. Jefferson owed his election to his exertions is equally undeniable. The former at that time little suspected that he was labouring for his most bitter enemy. The effect of the election in this state is instantly manifest by a mere reference to the number of votes cast for president and vice-president. Jefferson and Burr received seventy-three votes each-while Mr. Adams received sixty-five, and Mr. Pinckney sixty-four. The twelve electoral votes of New York would of course have elected the two federal candidates-and the direction given to those votes by the exertions of Burr and his friends, was the more propitious for their party, when it is remembered that in the state election of 1799, the federalists had secured a considerable majority in the legislature of New York.

This equality of votes in the case of the two highest candidates, produced, under the constitution as it originally stood, that recurrence to the house of representatives for a determination, which has rendered the contested election for president of the year 1801 so famous in our political history. Upon so familiar a topic it would be unpardonable to enlarge further than by adverting to any thing novel which Mr. Davis may have presented, or which may be presumed at this time not to be very generally known. This we shall do in passing-draw-. ing, in the first place, the attention of our readers to an extraordinary letter of Mr. Jefferson to Burr, which cannot fail to excite reflections of a kind not very complimentary to the former, and perhaps may bring a smile upon their faces at his expense. It is dated at Washington, on the 15th of December, 1800.

"Dear sir-Although we have not official information of the votes for president and vice-president, and cannot have until the first week in February, yet the state of the votes is given on such evidence as satisfies both parties that the two republican candidates stand highest. From South Carolina we have not even heard of the actual vote, but we have learned who were appointed electors, and with sufficient certainty how they would vote. It is said they would withdraw from yourself one vote. It has also been said that a General Smith, of Tennessee, had declared that he would give his second vote to Mr. Gallatin, not from any indisposition towards you, but extreme reverence to the character of Mr. Gallatin. It is also surmised that the vote of Georgia will not be entire. Yet nobody pretends to know these things of a certainty, and we know enough to be certain that what it is surmised will be withheld, will still leave you four or five votes at least above Mr. Adams. However, it was badly managed not to have arranged with certainty what seems to have been left to hazard. It was the more material, because I understand several high-flying federalists have expressed their hope that the two republican tickets may be equal, and their determination in that case to prevent a choice by the house of representatives (which they are

strong enough to do), and let the government devolve cn a president of the senate. Decency required that I should be so entirely passive during the late contest, that I never once asked whether arrangements had been made to prevent so many from dropping votes intentionally as might frustrate half the republican wish; nor did I doubt, till lately, that such had been made.

"While I must congratulate you, my dear sir, on the issue of this contest, because it is more honourable, and, doubtless, more grateful to you than any station within the competence of the chief magistrate, yet, for myself, and for the substantial service of the public; I feel most sensibly the loss we sustain of your aid in our new administration. It leaves

a chasm in my arrangements which cannot be adequately filled up. I had endeavoured to compose an administration whose talents, integrity, names, and dispositions, should at once inspire unbounded confidence in the public mind, and ensure a perfect harmony in the conduct of the public business. I lose you from the list, and am not sure of all the others. Should the gentlemen who possess the public confidence decline taking a part in their affairs, and force us to take persons unknown to the people, the evil genius of this country may realise his avowal that 'he will beat down the administration.' The return of Mr. Van Benthuysen, one of your electors, furnishes me a confidential opportunity of writing this much to you, which I should not have ventured through the post-office at this prying season. We shall, of course, see you before the fourth of March. Accept my respectful and affectionate salutations."

What was the object of this letter? and can some of the statements in it by any possibility be true? What did Jefferson mean by saying that he "lost Mr. Burr from the list" of the members of his administration? Did he suppose that he would be elected president, and Burr not become vice-president? Were they not known to be associate candidates on the same ticket? Was Mr. Jefferson vain or foolish enough to suppose that any of the federal electors would vote for him, together with one of their own candidates, and thus place him ahead of Burr, and the latter lower on the list than Mr. Pinckney, or Mr. Adams? Could it be that Mr. Jefferson supposed the possibility of his becoming president, and Mr. Burr being in a situation to accept a place in his cabinet? If these questions be anwered negatively, as we presume they must be, we again ask the object of the above letter? Was it intended, by the delicate insinuation of an untruth, to flatter Mr. Burr-or to parry his ambition? Why the reference to the chance of "half the republican wish being frustrated?" To us it all seems very plain. Jefferson's feverish excitement about the election had suggested at once to his jealous mind the mighty temptation which would be thrown in the way of his associate in the good wishes of the republican party, by the result of a parity between them; he endeavours, therefore, to conceal from Burr the probability of this eventtries to close his eyes against even a glimpse of this glittering picture and by flattering him with allusions to his talents, integrity, and dispositions, to restrain him from taking any course

which might jeopard the prospects of his own elevation to the presidential chair.

Though the matter was thus doubtful when writing to Burr himself on the 15th of December, yet, on the 19th of the same month, in a letter to his confidential friend, Mr. Madison, no such incertitude is expressed. Mr. Jefferson says:

"WASHINGTON, December 19, 1800.

"Dear sir,-Mrs. Brown's departure for Virginia enables me to write confidentially what I would not have ventured by the post at this prying зeason. The election in South Carolina has, in some measure, decided the great contest. Though, as yet, we do not know the actual votes of Tennessee, Kentucky, and Vermont, yet we believe the votes to be, on the whole, Jefferson 73, Burr 73, Adams 65, Pinckney 64. Rhode Island withdrew one from Pinckney. There is a possibility that Tennessee may withdraw one from Burr, and Burr writes that there may be one vote in Vermont for Jefferson. But I hold the latter impossible, and the former not probable; and that there will be an absolute parity between the two republican candidates. This has produced great dismay and gloom on the republican gentlemen here, and exultation in the federalists, who openly declare they will prevent an election, and will name a president of the senate pro tem. by what, they say, would only be a stretch of the constitution. The prospect of preventing this is as follows. Georgia, North Carolina, Tennessee, Kentucky, Vermont, Pennsylvania, and New York can be counted on for their vote in the house of representatives, and it is thought by some that BAER of Maryland and LINN of New Jersey will come over." pp. 69, 70.

That Mr. Jefferson never liked Colonel Burr we are fain to believe, if any faith be given to his oft-repeated declarations. These declarations were made, it is true, after the contest of 1801, when the feelings of the former were much embittered, but yet they are his deliberately recorded sentiments. He says in his Ana, under date of January 26th, 1804-"I had never seen Colonel Burr till he came as a member of senate. His conduct very soon inspired me with distrust. I habitually cautioned Mr. Madison against trusting him too much." Colonel Burr was appointed to the senate of the United States in 1791; Mr. Jefferson, therefore, must have seen him often, and known him well, when in 1797 he unsolicited wrote him a long letter, in which, among other things, he says:—

"The newspapers give so minutely what is passing in congress, that nothing of detail can be wanting for your information. Perhaps, however, some general view of our situation and prospects since left us you may not be unacceptable. At any rate, it will give me an opportunity of recalling myself to your memory, and of EVIDENCING MY ESTEEM FOR YOU." p. 139.

He was thus recalling himself to the recollection of his former acquaintance, and evidencing his esteem for him, when, at the same time, he was "habitually cautioning Mr. Madison against trusting him too much." But, again, we have the letter quoted