and by their side I plant myself, ready to abide the issue

come peace, come war.

For the singleness and sincerity of my motives I appeal to Heaven. By them I am willing to be judged now and hereafter, so help me God, when, prostrate at thy foot, I falter forth my last brief prayer for mercy on an erring life.

JOHN QUINCY ADAMS,

EX-PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES, MEMBER OF THE House of REPRESENTATIVES FOR NORFOLK, MASSACHUSETTS.

THE Whig ex-President, true to his own indefatigable nature, still assists in the Councils of his Country; he not unfrequently speaks and delivers his original and independent opinions with his wonted energy and courage, and with singular vigour for his years. He is most punctual in his attendance at the House, having missed but one day, I believe, during the Session of 1845-6. Mr. Adams is the representative of the opinions, and the recorder of the events of earlier days; his memory is very tenacious, and his knowledge universal. Is a question mooted, a subject started for investigation, a former transaction, or the actors therein alluded to, Mr. Adams can describe the attendant circumstances, can give the name of each man concerned, and the time in which he lived, and moved, and had his being, in Congress or before his country. His seat is placed about midway between the Speaker's chair and the outer circle of the House of Representatives, and on the left hand of the Speaker. Unaffected apparently by heat, and cold, and fatigue, he gives his undivided and unwearied attention to all that goes forward; and I have understood that he records, at home, the proceedings of every day. Sometimes the venerable statesman is attacked by a member of opposition, and then he rises in selfdefence with all the indignant warmth of youth, and the consciousness of an integrity which none can gainsay. I was present in the House, and seated in the gallery immediately above Mr. Adams, when Mr. Rhett, of South Carolina, made some remarks on the policy pursued by Mr. Adams in 181213. During Mr. Rhett's speech, I observed the emotion which gradually became evident in the countenance of the patriotic

New Englander; his cheek flushed, his veins swelled, and the fervent blood of twenty summers rushed to his temples; at length he rose, and spoke just at the moment when he ought; when he knew not whether he felt more surprise or indignation at the insinuation of British predilection flung suddenly against himself and his party; he had no time for preparation, but entered at once into an extempore history of the political affairs of that period, and concluded by completely vindicating himself individually, and the Whigs generally, from such vexatious censure. The sympathy of all was with him; and, doubtless, reflection made, the better nature of the gentleman from South Carolina led him to regret that he had assailed a statesman who so ably defended himself; whose years and services entitled him to the highest respect; and the purity of whose administration, during his Presidency, displays his disinterestedness and patriotism in the most honourable light. Mr. Adams is said never to have removed any man from office on account of his political opinions. If requested to change an officer, he asked the honest question-"Does he know and practise his duty in his post?" If the reply was in the affirmative, the President answered, "Then he cannot be touched. If he fulfils his duty in his office with industry, talent, and fidelity, I cannot consent to his removal."

Governor Seward, whose love and respect for the personal character of Mr. Adams are only equalled by his admiration of the public life of this eminent man, had frequently excited my anxious desire to have an opportunity of seeing Mr. Adams, when, the cares of the day being ended, he received the visits of his friends, and unbent his mind in social intercourse. I was as much gratified when admitted to these "Attic Nights" as the intellectual Governor had predicted; and listened with delight to those instructive and fascinating lectures, in which learning and taste were so eloquently combined; poetry, painting, music, history, criticism, all in turn were the themes of his discourse; each Muse attended at his call. The question was one evening discussed, whether is it easier to render sculpture and painting into poetry, or poetry into sculpture and painting? -assuming each to be perfect in its kind: that is, the poetry rendered into sculpture or painting must become material, and the sculpture or painting rendered into poetry must become spiritual. The subject expanded, and I was amazed at the range of knowledge displayed by Mr. Adams, and the perfect system with which it was hived and stored for seasonable use. Languages, metaphysics, philosophy, the nature of essence and

of matter, mechanical art, with many more incidental subjects," were all handled by him with the same ease and familiarity that Euclid would demonstrate two halves to be equal to the whole. During the discussion, I remember that Mr. Adams, with singular frankness, declared that he had never admired the Venus de Medici. He gave the preference to Painting over Sculpture, as being a higher art, and requiring a greater variety of knowledge and talent in its exercise.

Mr. Adams was inaugurated President of the United States 1825-Mr. Calhoun being elected Vice-President.

During his administration, Treaties were made with the Kansas, and Great and Little Osages, and after some difficulty, with the Creeks; by which these Indian tribes withdrew into the Territory west of the Mississippi. Internal improvements proceeded with great vigour; manufactures flourished; nearly eight millions of dollars, the surplus of the revenue, were applied to the reduction of the public debt, and three millions and a half to the payment of interest. Various arrangements for the better administration of the departments of the Government were entered into; new Treaties of Amity, Commerce, and Navigation, were made with Foreign Nations; and during the whole term the United States enjoyed uninterrupted peace with all the world.

Mr. Buchanan and Mr. Adams are next door neighbours to each other in Washington, and are excellent friends. At a ball given by Mr. Adams, Mr. Buchanan conducted me to pay respects to the Venerable Host. The Secretary, with all the gentle, kindly courtesy which marks his manner, offered his cordial wishes, and added, that he had given directions to be summoned to the House of Representatives, the moment Mr. Adams should begin his promised speech on Oregon. He was accordingly present.

Of this ball I have some delightful memories of my own to record; for it was there, and not five minutes after my entrance, that the idea of the present work originated.

Mrs. Governeur (this lady is the grand daughter of President Monroe) reproached me playfully for having omitted to call upon her. I replied, " that I spent all day, and every day, at the Capitol, hearing and seeing the distinguished men assembled there."

"And then," said she laughing, "you will go home to England and write a book, and abuse them, and all the rest of the Americans.'

"Never," said Buchanan, on whose arm I leaned, “never; I

answer for her. If she puts pen to paper it will be to do us justice."

It was then my turn to speak, and to accept this generous challenge.

"And to show," I quickly added, "that an Englishwoman has the sense to appreciate your virtues, to admire your greatness, and to return with gratitude your affection,-permit me to offer to you, Mr. Buchanan, the dedication of such a book?" "Beautifully said," returned the Secretary," and I accept it with the greatest pleasure as a proof of your regard; but what will become of your dear friends, Calhoun and Ingersoll?"

"Mr. Buchanan," I replied, "the Secretary of State is the representative of the Americans in Foreign Nations, and, therefore, my Guardian and my Friend will both approve my choice."

This was the first time that the actual conviction ever suggested itself to my mind that I should write a book, and during the rest of the evening I was somewhat startled; I have never yet been before the Public: I have no notes, and trust to my memory alone. If this Work have any merit, it belongs to the origin and the subject; its faults are, doubtless, many and great; but its preparation has been to me a labour of love, and I offer it to Mr. Buchanan, in the name of the American people, as a tribute of affection and of gratitude for all the happiness, friendship, and hospitality which they bestowed on me.

INAUGURAL ADDRESS OF JOHN QUINCY ADAMS.
MARCH 4, 1825.

In compliance with a usage coeval with the existence of our federal constitution, and sanctioned by the example of my pre.decessors in the career upon which I am about to enter, I appear, my fellow citizens, in your presence, and in that of Heaven, to bind myself, by the solemnities of a religious obligagation, to the faithful performance of the duties allotted to me in the station to which I have been called.

In unfolding to my countrymen the principles by which I shall be governed in the fulfilment of those duties, my first resort will be to that constitution which I shall swear, to the best of my ability, to preserve, protect, and defend. That revered instrument enumerates the powers and prescribes the duties of the executive magistrate; and, in its first words, declares the

purposes to which these, and the whole action of the government instituted by it, should be invariably and sacredly devoted-to form a more perfect Union, establish justice, ensure domestic tranquillity, provide for the common defence, promote the general welfare, and secure the blessings of liberty to the people of this Union in their successive generations. Since the adoption of the social compact one of these generations has passed away. It is the work of our forefathers. Administered by some of the most eminent men who contributed to its formation through a most eventful period in the annals of the world, and through all the vicissitudes of peace and war incidental to the condition of associated man, it has not disappointed the hopes and aspirations of those illustrious benefactors of their age and nation. It has promoted the lasting welfare of that country so dear to us all; it has, to an extent far beyond the ordinary lot of humanity, secured the freedom and happiness of this people. We now receive it as a precious inheritance from those to whom we are indebted for its establishment, doubly bound by the examples which they have left us, and by the blessings which we have enjoyed as the fruits of their labours, to transmit the same, unimpaired, to the succeeding generation.

In the compass of thirty-six years, since this great national covenant was instituted, a body of laws, enacted under its authority and in conformity with its provisions, has unfolded its powers, and carried into practical operation its effective energies. Subordinate departments have distributed the executive functions in their various relations to foreign affairs, to the revenue and expenditures, and to the military force of the Union by land and sea. A co-ordinary department of the judiciary has expounded the constitution and the laws; settling, in harmonious coincidence with the legislative will, numerous weighty questions of construction, which the imperfection of human language had rendered unavoidable. The year of Jubilee, since the first formation of our Union, has just elapsed; that of the Declaration of our Independence is at hand. The consummation of both was effected by this constitution. Since that period a population of four millions has multiplied to twelve. A territory bounded by the Mississippi has been extended from sea to sea. New states have been admitted to the Union, in numbers nearly equal to those of the first confederation. Treaties of peace, amity, and commerce have been concluded with the principal dominions of the earth. The people