the product of cotton from four million to eight million, and from eight to sixteen million of bales, before the end of this century; and that product is in behalf of civilization, for the benefit of the whole world, but not more for the interest of any country than for England. I say again that it will be the reproach of England upon the page of history, that, in the hour of our adversity, she looked with hostility upon us.

But we shall come out of this war a better, wiser, and more powerful people, with a debt, no doubt, of five or ten hundred million of dollars, possibly fifteen hundred million of dollars, but with credit unimpaired: and, gentlemen, many of you will live to see the day when that debt shall have been paid; for we have in this country elements of wealth which are denied to any other country on the globe. Every acre of the South which we are to redeem from slavery, every acre of land in the far West, when it shall have been occupied by a free laborer, is at once security for this debt, and the means by which it is to be paid. We have, first, pecuniary resources sufficient to carry on this war; but, secondly, the people have a right to demand of every man who has the control of time and money, that it be used so as to produce the greatest possible results to the cause in which we are engaged.

The public credit can be maintained; the public credit will be maintained; armies will be raised; navies will be created; men will appear capable of guiding our armies, of controlling our navies; and we shall be successful ultimately. Let no man have any doubts in regard to this. The more we

are tried, and the longer foreign countries, by refusing to recognize the right, continue this war by giving encouragement to the rebellion, then in that proportion will our power be magnified when the rebellion ceases. I believe, that, when this war is ended, and England shall see that we are able, upon a moment's notice, to put half a million of fighting men, trained veterans, into the field; when we have an iron-clad navy, manned by seamen who have trodden the waves during all their boyhood and manhood, she will regret, when her day of trial comes, that she hesitated to do that which was right and just in the beginning, which was to have said to these rebellious States and these traitors, 66 You will receive no countenance or encouragement from us." If England had made this declaration on the 20th of April, 1861, the rebellion would have had no power further to harm her or to harm mankind.

189

SUGGESTIONS CONCERNING THE FURTHER PROSECUTION OF THE WAR.

[This article was prepared as early as January, 1863; and portions of it were printed in the Washington "Chronicle" in February and March of that year: but it was thought to be inexpedient to publish the portion which suggests a plan of operations against Richmond. The editors also declined to print the paragraphs relating to the office of General-in-chief of the army.]

HERE are differences of opinion among loyal

THE

men concerning the objects for which the present war should be prosecuted by the people and the government of the United States. There are a few persons who are prepared to propose or to accept. dishonorable conditions of peace, either upon the basis of a restoration of the Union, or a permanent separation; but the great majority of American citizens are determined to re-establish the authority of the national government over all the territory which was within the limits of the Union previous to the outbreak of the present rebellion. The peaceful existence of two governments between the lines of the Mississippi, the Atlantic, the great lakes, and the Gulf of Mexico, is an impossibility. The hope or the expectation of such a condition of things is a delusion. The war in which the nation is now involved can have but one solution,— the establishment of a common government over the region now rent and devastated by civil strife.

The men who propose peace propose that which is impossible. If the rebellion be not overthrown, its triumph will not be limited to the establishment of an independent government; but, gradually and by steps clearly foreseen, it will subjugate to itself the territory of the North, as well as occupy and possess the States of the South. But, in the nature of things, the rebellion cannot succeed. Many events may occur to strengthen it, to delay, to encourage; but the end is to be the subjugation of the rebels, and the seizure and occupation of the rebel States. Offers of mediation, foreign interference, foreign war, may embarrass and cripple the North; but, after all and always, the necessity and the duty will continue. The rebellion is to be crushed, the rebels are to be subjugated, the power of the old government is to be re-established over all the seceding. States. There is not only no interest in the North that can accept peace upon any other basis, but there is not even a man who can afford to share its disaster and its dishonor.

Those who suppose, be they of the North or of the South, that no more men will be furnished, labor under a serious error. When one army has disappeared, another will appear. If there be no statesmanship in council, if there be no genius or capacity in the field, we still have numbers and courage, to be wrought finally into desperation; and arithmetic will do the rest. We can, in even battles, or with odds of losses against us, exterminate the fighting population of the South; and there will then remain millions of fighting men, millions of laboring men, in the North, with freedom for the whole continent,

and a career of prosperity and power open before us as a nation.

But we have statesmanship and genius and capacity; and, though these characteristics have not been developed rapidly, they exist in our rulers, leaders, and people. We have made great mistakes, neglected favorable opportunities; but all nations have done the same. The rebels, with years of preparation for leadership, have not exhibited high qualities in any branch of their service.

During the twenty months of actual war, the North has made acquisitions of territory and gained many strategic points, none of which have been retaken by the rebels. The enemies of the country have raised great armies, fought many battles, some of them successful battles; and yet they have been losing ground. Without assistance from abroad, their future experience will be the same; and assistance from abroad will only magnify the war, involve Europe in the contest, and put far off the day when the South will contribute to the comfort and progress of the human race. Foreign interference is not impossible; but it is less probable than it was in March, or even in December, 1862.

It is always to be assumed, that the ruling classes of Europe are hostile to this government, and that they welcome, and, as far as opportunity allows, they aid and encourage, the rebellion. In England, this hostile feeling is strong. It is exhibited by the press, in Parliament, and by the ministry. It has not yet dared to defy the sentiment of the masses, and to ally itself openly with the rebels. Any movement by France will be dictated by a desire to