ὅστις πέρα πράσσειν γε τῶν νόμων θέλει, ΧΟ. ὦ σπέρμ ̓ Ατρέως, ὡς πολλὰ παθὸν δι' ἐλευθερίας μόλις ἐξῆλθες τῇ νῦν ὁρμῇ τελεωθέν. 1510 by S.-1506 πέρα] πέραι L.-πράσσειν γε MSS. : πράσσειν τι Wunder.—τῶν νόμων] τῶν ἄλλων Γ.—θέλει] In L the ist hand wrote θέλοι, which has been altered to θέλει. Of the later Mss., some (as Γ) have θέλοι: others (as A), θέλει, and so Ald. 1507 πανούργον MSS. In the citation by Nicephorus (n. on 1505-7), κακούργον was doubtless a mere slip of memory: κακοῦργος, κακουργία, κακουργεῖν occur repeat χρή, no less than χρήν (cp. Ant. 666). τοῖς πᾶσιν. ὅστις: cp. Αi. 760, where ὅστις refers to σώματα in 758: Αnt. 709, where οὗτοι follows ὅστις in 7o7: Eur. Εl. 933 κἀκείνους στυγῶ | τοὺς παῖδας, ὅστις κ.τ.λ.: Plat. Rep. 566 D ἀσπάζεται πάντας ᾧ ἂν περιτυγχάνῃ. πράσσειν γε: γε emphasises, not πράσσειν, but rather the whole sentence, and might have immediately followed ὅστις, if metre had allowed: cp. Il. 3. 279 ἀνθρώπους τίνυσθον, ὅτις γ ̓ ἐπίορκον ομόστ σῃ. Certainly πράσσειν τι is no improve ment. κτείνειν, rather than θνῄσκειν, because the speaker is himself the executioner. For the emphatic place of the word, cp. 957 Αἴγισθον.—τὸ πανοῦργον, equiv. in sense to οἱ πανούργοι: cp. 972 n.: Thuc. 1. 13 τὸ λῃστικὸν καθῄρουν.—Shakesp. Meas. for Meas. act 2, sc. 2, 91: 'Those many had not dared to do that evil, | If the first that did the edict infringe | Had answer'd for his deed.' Nicephorus Vasilakes (Βασιλάκης), 2 professor of rhetoric at Constantinople in the latter part of the twelfth century, places these three verses of Sophocles at the head of a short piece in his rhetorical Exercises (Προγυμνάσματα), and makes them the text of a discourse evidently prompted by the evils of his own time. The verses remind us, he says, how well Sophocles understood the function of Tragedy as a κοινὴ παιδαγωγία, or vehicle of moral teaching. After setting forth in action the warning example of Aegisthus, the poet here ἀποδίδωσι λόγον ξυν ᾴδοντα τοῖς εἰργασμένοις, i.e., generalises the lesson. From a literary and aesthetic point of view the remark deserves the notice of those who, like Dindorf, think who dealt in lawless deeds, even the judgment of the sword: so should not wickedness abound. CH. O house of Atreus, through how many sufferings hast thou come forth at last in freedom, crowned with good by this day's enterprise ! edly in his discourse upon this text, showing how the word was in his thoughts. The same may probably be said of his πέρα τι τῶν νόμων πράσσειν in 1506. 1508 ws] ὡς L (=Lb).—παθὸν made in L from παθῶν. παθὼν Α. 1510 Quoted by Eustathius p. 881. 34 καὶ τὸ τελεοῦν, ὡς τῇ νῦν ὁρμῇ τελεωθέν. Musgrave conj. σTEρewoév ('firmly established'), or σTEλexwoév ('matured'). the verses spurious. If the speech of Orestes ended with v. 1504, the effect would manifestly be too abrupt. 1508 ὦ σπέρμ' Ατρέως. The dynasty of the Atreidae (δεσπόται οἱ πάλαι, 764) is about to be restored in the person of the rightful heir, Orestes (162), who displaces the usurper Aegisthus, the representative of the Thyestidae. 1509 δι' ἐλευθερίας.. ἐξῆλθες, come forth in freedom. For did denoting the state, cp. Thuc. 6. 34 § 2 del dià póßov eloi. The phrase here is in one respect peculiar. When the verb denotes motion, diá in this idiom usu. denotes a course of action, and not a state; e.g., Thuc. 6. 60 § 3 διὰ δίκης ἐλθεῖν, Her. 6. 9 διὰ μάχης EXEúσOVTAL: see on Ant. 742. 1510 opun, the enterprise of the avengers against the tyrants. Cp. Xen. Απ. 3. 1. 10 οὐ γὰρ ᾔδει τὴν ἐπὶ βασιλέα The opun ('the purpose to attack him').— This play contains no presage of trouble to come, and fitly ends with the word τελεωθέν. Contrast the closing words of the Choephori (1075f.): πoî dîтa кpaveî, ποὺ καταλήξει | μετακοιμισθὲν μένος ἄτης; APPENDIX. 6 f. Aúkelos was a widely-diffused epithet of Apollo. At Athens the Aúkelov was sacred to him, and a seat in the Dionysiac theatre bore the inscription, iepéws 'Aróλλwvos Avкnov (C. I. A. III. 292). Other places, besides Argos, where he was worshipped under this name were Sicyon, Troezen, Thebes, and Delphi (cp. Preller, 1. p. 202). The words of Alcman (fr. 68), πрóσť 'Аπóλλшvos Aukηw, probably refer to a shrine at Sparta. Hesychius explains Λυκιάδες κόραι as τὸν ἀριθμὸν τριάκοντα, αἱ τὸ ὕδωρ κομίζουσαι εἰς τὸ Λύκειον: where the number thirty, suggesting the days of the month, is a hint that the primary significance of Aúκeos, though lost in speech, survived in symbolism. It is uncertain to what Aúketov the notice refers. The root Avk, lux, from which Aúκeos comes, furnished other titles also for Apollo, of which the original sense became similarly veiled. One is Autos (Pind. P. 1. 39), popularly explained as 'Lycian': see on Philoctetes 1461. Another is the Homeric λυκηγενής (ΙΙ. 4. 101), usually interpreted either as 'Lycia-born,' or else as 'wolf-born,' because Leto, before giving birth to the god, had been changed into a wolf (Aelian N. A. 10. 26). Τo these may perhaps be added Λυκαῖος : for Hesychius s. v. gives Avκaîov as = Tò IIú0ιov, and refers to a temple of that name at Chrysè in the Troad. Aúkaιos was the name of a month in the calendar used at Lamia in S. Thessaly (Welcker, Götterl. I. p. 481). On the other hand, λvk yields that group of words in which the root-sense is unconcealed ; λευκός, λυκάβας (year), ἀμφιλύκη νύξ (the twilight of dawn, Il. 7. 433), with its equivalents Auxóows (schol. ad loc., and Aelian N. A. 10. 26), Avkavyés (Lucian), and AuKoeidés (Hesych.). Latin affords parallels in Lucetius, an epithet applied by Naevius to Iuppiter (Gellius 5. 12), and Lucina, where the original meaning of the root remains clear. The sense which Sophocles here affixes to Aúkelos was undoubtedly that which had the widest acceptance in ancient Greece: the 'wolf-god' was the 'wolf-slayer.' Plutarch recognises AUKOKтóvos as an appellation of Apollo (Mor. 966 A), and the poet who addresses him in the Anthology (13. 22) says, ou σo paрéтpη λveтaι λvкOKTÓVOS. The invocation of the Aukelos as a destroyer (O. T. 203 n.) points in the same direction. This, however, is not the only relation between Apollo and the wolf of which traces are found. According to Pausanias (1. 19. § 3), the Aúkelov at Athens was so named from the hero Aúkos, son of Pandion, who afterwards fled to Lycia (Her. 1. 173). A statue of this Lycus stood before one of the Athenian law-courts (Ar. Vesp. 389); he was the patron of litigants (cp. ib. 819). The wolf was often the type of a guilty fugitive, and Lycus symbolised the suppliant to whom Apollo púέios extends his grace, as the law affords its protection to the suitor and the accused. Again, the wolf is sometimes described as an animal beloved by Apollo (Aelian N. A. 10. 26). In the Argive legend (see note on vv. 6 f.), it was Apollo who made the wolf victorious over the bull, and thus moved the grateful Danaus to found the Aúκelov. In other words, the wolf is there the symbol of a power allied, or even identified, with that of Apollo himself; and Argives might have objected that the Sophoclean paraphrase of Λύκειος by λυκοκτόνος, though suited to the general belief, was contrary to the spirit of their local legend. At Delphi a bronze wolf stood near the great altar (Paus. 10. 14. § 7, Plut. Pericl. 21); a fact which suggests some further association beyond that of the victim with the slayer. The wolf may indeed have been regarded as a symbol of the sun-god's fierce and destructive power. It is noteworthy that the wolf is associated with other solar deities besides Apollo,as with the Italic Mars and Soranus (see A. Furtwängler in Roscher's Lexicon, p. 443). This fact certainly confirms the view of O. Müller (Dorians, 1. 305) and Welcker (Götterl. 1. 481), that there was some reason for such an association beyond the verbal resemblance of λύκος and λύκειος. 21 f. ὡς ἐνταῦθ ̓ † ἐμὲν ἵν ̓ οὐκέτ ̓ ὀκνεῖν καιρός, ἀλλ ̓ ἔργων ἀκμή. The form uév is quoted from the Alexandrian poet Callimachus (c. 260 B. C.) by the grammarian Herodian (c. 150 A.D., Teρì μovýpovs λégews, p. 24 ed. Dind.), and by Eustathius p. 1457. 50, who explains the words of Callimachus, γρῆες ἐμέν, by γραῖαι ἐσμέν. There is no other trace of it. Callimachus formed it probably on the analogy of the infin. ἔμεναι. The scholiast on verse 21 remarks that μèv is avaλoyúrepov than ouév, in which the σ is, he thinks, redundant; a fact which explains how euèv kept its place in the text here, and apparently escaped suspicion. Besides èouév, the only forms of the 1st pers. plur. which occur in writers of the classical age are the epic and Ionic ειμέν, and the Doric ειμές. The emendations are of two general classes; I. those which leave tv in v. 22: II. those which place it in v. 21, or remove it altogether. I. (a) Retaining evrave'. 1. Dawes (Misc. Crit. p. 277), ws èvravo' uev. On this, see commentary. 2. Hermann mentions a conjecture ὡς ἐνταῦθα δή. 3. Dindorf writes, ὡς ἐνταῦθ ̓ ἔβης. (6) s Omitting |