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their baggage only, are here, (in England), deemed to be in ballast. The practice in the West Indies is not known here, neither can any instance be traced of a vessel not having any cargo-therefore, if such passenger-vessels are employed, it is probable that they are considered as laden.

COMMUNICATION BETWEEN NEW YORK AND BOSTON. The practicability of uniting the waters of Boston harbor with Narraganset bay, is established, by actual surveys and observations, beyond scarcely a reasonable doubt. A canal of less than thirty miles only is wanted for this purpose, thereby opening a direct and comparatively straight line of communication, by water, between Boston and New York. Allowing such a communication to be practicable, are the advantages likely to result from it, sufficient to warrant the undertaking? It surely cannot be a matter of small importance to the commercial interest of those cities to diminish, by more than two hundred miles, the distance between them, and not only thus to di minish the distance, but to render unnecessary the difficult and dangerous navigation around Cape Cod. A canal from Weymouth to Taunton would bring New York and Boston within scarcely more than a day's passage of each other. The benefits to Boston, by such a communication, would, unquestionably, be far greater than to New York. Not only it would increase the intercourse between Boston and the part of Massachusetts through which it would pass, but between several important commercial and manufacturing towns in Rhode Island and Connecticut and Boston. So far as the business of this part of the state is of consequence to Boston, its effect cannot be doubted. It is certainly true, that, within the last year or two, the current of business, from this neighborhood, has set strongly towards New York, and never more so than at this moment. That it will remain so, seems nearly certain under present circumstances. From this town, although within little more than thirty miles of Boston, the price of landtransportation, by the ton, is more, by three or four times, than transportation by water from New York The facility of intercourse, by means of steam boats, has, no doubt, had the effect to divert, in a considerable degree, the business of this whole section of country from Boston to New York.

The above are some of the local advantages which would probably result from the canal referred to. In a national view, it is not without importance and interest. The attention of the general government has already been directed to it as forming a link in a long chain of canal communication along the Atlantic coast. With this union of local and national interest, is not the expediency of the enterprise satisfactorily established? If so, by whom should it be commenced? The state undoubtedly in which it would be loeated have the most direct interest and concern in it. At any rate, some measures might safely be adopted which would hasten, and, perhaps, affect, in some sort, the determination of the general government in regard to it. [Taunton Report.

RAIL ROADS. In a debate in the house of commons, on the second reading of the bill authorizing the Liverpool and Manchester rail-way, Mr. Green opposed the bill on the ground that rail roads would diminish the tonnage of canals nearly one half. Mr. Huskisson, president of the board of trade, supported the bill, on the ground of the immense increase of basiness between Liverpool and Manchester,

"Was the house aware, said he, of the extensive traffic by canals? It exceeded one thousand tons a day: and the framers of the rail-way assert, not only that it would carry goods cheaper, but with considerably more dispatch. Surely, then, it would be well worth while to try such a plan, and, even if suc

cessful, he was sure that the canals would find ample employment. The increase of commerce at Liverpool would scarcely appear credible; but he could state as a fact, that the annual amount of exports from Liverpool, (the greater part of the merchandise being brought to that port by canal), amounted, in 1821, to 11,500,000l. and, in 1824, a period of only three years, the exports amounted to 19,000,0001. This was exclusive of the different articles of fuel and general consumption made use of in those two great marts." It was stated, in the course of this debate, that, according to the report of a committee, rail-ways had the same advantages over canals that canals had over turnpike roads!

NATIVE OIL. Finer and sweeter oil no country can supply than what we can, with little trouble and expense, prepare for ourselves. The tall annual sunflower will prove this: its seeds, bruised and pressed, will yield an oil as sweet and as fine as that we can import from Florence. From a bushel of this seed a gallon of oil may be drawn, and with this advantage, that it can be obtained at any time, quite soft, bland and fresh. The seed also, and the mass that remains after the expression of the oil, are of excellent use to feed hogs and poultry But, besides these uses, the growing plant is of eminent service; it having been proved that nearly twenty times as much pure deplogisticated air is exhaled from one plant in twenty-four hours, in light and clear weather, as a man respires in a vitiated and impure state in that space of time. Hence the inhabitants of close, illaired and unwholesome places, should be diligent in its cultivation. [Boston Med. Intel.

PERSONS OF COLOR. Raleigh (N. C.) April 12-Our superior court did not rise till Saturday afternoon. The cause which excited the most interest during the term, was the trial of a young man, (called in the indictment a man of color, though he had the appearance of a white man, and had a white woman for his wife), charged with committing a violent assault upon a young white female. The trial occupied the whole of Friday last; and, if the offence had been satisfactorily proved, the prisoner's life must have paid the forfeit, agreeably to an act passed in the year 1820. But the judge, in charging the jury, observed that no proof had been adduced to show that the prisoner was a man of color within the fourth degree in descent from African or Indian blood; and without such proof he could not be subjected to the penalties of the law in question. The judge left it with the jury to decide, whether the evidence had been sufficient to convince them that the assault had been committed as charged in the indictment. The jury withdrew for a few minutes, and returned a verdict of Not guilty.

KENTUCKY. Mr. Johu T. Johnson, in a circular to his constituents, after detailing the important business of the session, &c. proceeds to justify his votefor president, and to explain his views and motives, in the following manner:

"I now offer to your consideration a subject of much delicacy, and concerning which you will expect something in relation to my own conduct. The presidential canvass was one of considerable moment, and excited much feeling and deep interest in various states of the union.

"The west had but two candidates; and the only question with the people of the west seemed to be, which of the two should be preferred. Upon the return of the electoral votes from the different states, it was ascertained that our favorite candidate did not obtain votes enough to bring him before the house of representatives, which would have to select from the remaining candidates, viz: gen. Jackson, Mr. Adan.s

and Mr. Crawford. In this state of things, I had but one course to pursue. I was perfectly aware, that the freemen of Kentucky, and my district in particular, was decidedly in favor of gen. Jackson, in preference to Mr. Adams or Mr. Crawford. The strong indication given at the polls, could but lead to that result. That indication was still further confirmed, by the request of both branches of their legislature, uniting both parties at home, in its support. None were found rash enough to doubt this fact, or to contradict it. With all these broad daylight obligations staring me in the face, had I felt otherwise inclined, I could not have hesitated in responding to your just| expectations, by voting for gen. Jackson. I felt happy under the circumstances, that my duty to you corresponded with my personal predilections. Our first choice baving failed, I did not think the claims of the west lessened, in regard to having a president, whilst there was a man, every way highly qualified and deserving, for the station.

"I could not mistake your attachment for that man, who, in the darkest period of the late war, with means most limited, but deriving power from his own mind, rescued his country from her misfortunes, and saved one of the first and most important cities of the republic from plunder and devastation.

"When the watch word of 'booty and beauty' was echoed from the lines of a powerful and invading enemy, it was re-echoed by the hero, from the mouths of his artillery, hurling ruin upon the ranks of the savagely disposed invaders. Had these three competitors been brought alone before the people, which of them would most likely have succeeded? The facts and circumstances lead my mind to but one result. The additional electoral votes of Kentucky, Ohio and Missouri, would have decided the contest in favor of gen. Jackson. And will any rational mind doubt that he would have obtained those states? Impossible-he was decidedly the man of the people.

"He had obtained more votes at the polls than his competitors united. He obtained the electoral votes of eleven states, whilst his competitors, united, had only ten.

therein described, to influence a representative of the people in the discharge of a solemn and important duty, and afterwards to put him down for simply voting agreeably to the dictates of his judgment and the deliberate instructions of his constituents!

The case is a remarkable one, and well calculated to excite strong feelings; but Mr. Clay has treated the subject with mildness and forbearance.

Copy of a letter from William L. Brent, esq. member of congress from Louisiana, to the editor of the Attakapas Gazelle, dated

WASHINGTON, Feb. 9, 1825.

"I have only time to say to you that Mr. Adams is, this moment, elected president of the United States. Thirteen states voted for him upon the first ballotseven voted for general Jackson and four for Mr. Crawford. General Jackson could not have been elected under any circumstance. Had the friends of Mr. Crawford abandoned him, they would have gone to Mr. Adams, which would have swollen his vote to seventeen. Louisiana voted for Mr. Adams-Mr. Gurley and myself being for him, and Mr. Livingston for general Jackson. We did this from mature reflection, and for reasons which satisfied us that the interests of Louisiana required it, and which, we have no doubt, will satisfy all the friends of general Jackson. As to myself, my mind was made up, as regards this subject, for some time; and I feel a consolation in declaring, that I feel that the vote I have given, upon this occasion, has aided in electing so able and worthy a statesman to the presidential chair, at the same time that it coincided with my ideas of those principles which ought to govern, in selecting men for so distinguished a civil station. Had the choice been for a military purpose, my views might have been different. These were not my only reasons-! had others, which were stronger and conclusive to my mind, that the relative situation of Louisiana irresistibly pointed to the choice we made."

Mr. Ingham's Address.

To the people of the counties of Bucks, Northampton,
Wayne and Pike, Pennsylvania.
FELLOW CITIZENS--The momentous duty devolveà

"Had I felt disposed, I could not resist such a preponderance of public sentiment, nor have overlooked The right which the people have to the choice. My feelings, my judgment, and every grateful remem-by the constitution on the members of the last conbrance of your former kindness, would have risen up in indignant array against ine, had I acted otherwise than I have done. As it is, I retire with a clear conscience, and feel happy in the reflection, that I have not thwarted your will-I feel that I have acted in accordance with the fundamental principles of the free government under which we live, and the un-your attention at this time. doubted wishes of the majority of the American people."

gress, has justly excited an earnest anxiety in the public mind, to become accurately and truly informed of every incident connected with the discharge of that duty; this alone would be a sufficient reason for the communication I am about to make to you, but I am also impelled by other considerations to solicit

An occurrence which happened between Mr. Kremer, a member from this state, and Mr. Clay, late The "Lexington Reporter," of the 11th inst. speaker of the house of representatives, and now seon publishing Mr. Clay's address, says cretary of state of the United States, has been made We present the whole of Mr. Clay's address in this the occasion of not a little misrepresentation of my day's paper. To his constituents and the public gene- conduct and motives, as well by certain public prints rally we have no doubt it will be satisfactory.- as by the secretary of state himself. The latter has Although, among Mr. Clay's immediate fellow citizens and recently published an elaborate defence of his conpolitical friends, there is no difference of opinion, as to the duct, in reply to a communication addressed by Mr. purity of his conduct or propriety of his course, yet there Kremer to his constituents, on the 26th of February has been so much activity used by his enemies to mis- last. In this paper Mr. Clay has deemed it necessary, represent his conduct in relation to the presidential in aid of his defence, to charge upon certain persons election, that this frank and ingenuous exposition of a "conspiracy," of which he says "Mr. Kremer was the whole matter appeared to be due both to the pub-the organ." The allegations in support of this charge Jic and himself; and we think it cannot fail to remove are, that Mr. Kremer was not the author of the letter the prejudices that may have been excited against to the Columbian Observer. That it was "afterwards him in fair and honorable minds. That his enemies, adopted as his own," and, "to Mr. Crowninshield, late or those who have a settled design in opposing him and secretary of the navy, he declared that he was not the vilifying his character, will be satisfied with this ad-author of the letter." That "Mr. Kremer would, no ress, perhaps ought not to be expected. But the doubt, have made a satisfactory atonement for the ineiteration of their calumnies will only increase the jury done him, (Mr. Clay), if he had been left to the ublic indignation against his accusers, and against impulses of his native honesty." That "Mr. Ingham, those who resorted to such unhallowed means, as are of Pennsylvania, got hold of a paper which had been

others: and, to give his movement a more imposing and comprehensive effect, the Pennsylvania delega tion was embraced in the menace, purposely made so strong as to make retraction seem impossible. In complete confirmation of this impression, as to the object of Mr. Clay in inditing his card, I found, soon after my arrival at the house, on the morning it first appeared, that his friends had required of the Pens

shewn to Mr. Clay, containing an explanation, "which, it was stated, Mr. Kremer was willing, in his place, to make." That "Mr. Ingham put the paper in his pocket, and advised Mr. Kremer to take no step without the approbation of his friends." That, as Mr. Clay presumes, "he had taken, or rather there had been forced upon him, the advice of his friends, and no more was heard of the apology." Mr. Clay, by these allegations, unquestionably in-sylvania delegation, that, unless some one would tends to transfer to others, whom he designates as conspirators, (and among whom he endeavors to give me a conspicuous place), as much as possible of the odium he acknowledges to have incurred. If this admitted of doubt, I could refer to his frequent con- This was the first disappointment Mr Clay met versations with those who deemed it their interest to with in the expected effect of his famous card, and support him, in which, as I was informed, he directly his indignation was leveled at those whom he supimputed to me the authorship of the letter to the Co-posed most active in frustrating his purpose. I lumbian Observer. claim no merit, however, on this account. My col

avow the letter, ALL must disavow it The propusition was, however, rejected by the delegation generally, as it deserved to be, and the project was soon after abandoned.

Before I proceed to state the facts upon this sub- leagues required no prompting from me to resist such ject, it may be proper to remark, that I had had but a demand. They could not but see that such a prolittle intimacy with Mr. Kremer before the publica-cedure would expose the delegation to derision and tion of Mr. Clay's card-less, I am sure, than with any contempt. One member from the state had written other of my colleagues. Thus circumstanced, I re- a letter offensive to the speaker, who determines to ceived the paper at my room containing Mr. Clay's make the whole delegation answerable for it, with card. The first thoughts suggested by its terms, was a vindictive threat of personal responsibility, unless that it was a suicidical act of a desponding desperado: the author "dare unveil himself." By the same rule, further reflection, influenced by a knowledge of Mr. if the Pennsylvania delegation had not been designatClay's character and feelings, suggested that the act, ed, he might have extended the menace to both houses however rash in appearance, was deliberately done. of congress. Such discipline might do well for the goSubsequent events have confirmed this opinion. Ivernment of convicts, but it could not be tolerated repaired to the house about the usual time of as- when attempted to be exercised over the representasembling, where I met Mr. Kremer, and, upon mak- tives of the people in the congress of the United ing some inquiries, he freely communicated to me States. Pennsylvania had offended Mr. Clay by her the facts and circumstances upon which he relied for united vote for the hero of New-Orleans. Ifer posi the support of the statements contained in his letter. tion in the union, and steady character, gave her great Believing, from the representations he made, that he power, which Mr. Clay knew, from experiment, was could justify himself, I did not hesitate to give him not easy to be controlled for his purposes; therefore, my opinion whenever he desired it. He was assailed whether he regarded the past or the future, there were by the speaker of the house of representatives, the motives for a man of his feelings and political habits, to influence of whose patronage none can judge of who desire the prostration of that power. Had he succeeded have not seen and felt it. This assailant was also an in the attempt to degrade her whole representation, as aspirant for the presidency of the United States, he wished and expected, it would no doubt have conwhose friends, as they often said in my hearing, "held tributed to this object. I will not insult your virtue the balance of the approaching election in their and intelligence by claiming any favor for myself in hands." Mr. Clay was, therefore, not only armed resisting the scheme of Mr Clay, thus to degrade my with present but prospective power. He had evinc- native state. I have only done my duty. Had I done ed in his card the deepest indignation, and had his otherwise, I would deserve your execration. Mr. Kreintemperate vengeance been directed exclusively mer never asked my advice as to avowing himself. against Mr. Kremer, his character, as an honest man, He had made up his mind before I saw him, and did and relation to me as representative from the same not attempt to conceal, for a moment, that he was the state, imposed an obligation of duty to endeavor to author of the letter, avowing that he had written sevehave justice done him. Such was the common feel-ral others, of the same import, on the same day, to pering of nearly the whole delegation, and if I have become more conspicuous in this matter than my col- As Mr. Clay and his friends had extended the meleagues, I owe it chiefly to the malignity of Mr. Clay; nace to the whole delegation, I should have felt some but there were other considerations, uniting with delicacy in urging Mr. Kremer to an avowal. I had, those already mentioned, to determine my conduct indeed, little opportunity of advising him, for I do not upon this occasion. There was in Mr. Clay's card a recollect to have seen him during the day precedtone of menace, which he seemed to have thought he ing the publication of his card. He was absent from could not make strong enough for his purpose with- the house, I am confident; for 1 well remember inout the use of bullying epithets. The menace em- quiries were made respecting him, and it was said braced the whole Pennsylvania delegation, and I that he was very expert in shooting with a rifle, and had no doubt but it was purposely written, not only had gone to try a new one which he had purchased to deter them, but others, from pursuing the freedom the day before. On the following morning, Mr. Krein their correspondence, of which Mr. Clay has since mer's card was issued, and a new "crisis appeared complained so heavily. "Letters," says he, "were to have arisen in Mr. Clay's public life!" As soon as issued from the manufactory at Washington, to come he had read it, he took his resolution, and determinback, after performing long journeys, for Washing-ed to make his appeal to the house. This new movéton consumption." He was attacked, by means of ment was evidently a change of position; he had, these Washington letters, "simultaneously, from Bos- therefore, been foiled in his first and second hope. ton to Charleston." "A crisis appeared to have ari- The subject was suddenly brought before the house, sen in his public life," and he "issued his card!" The when it became the duty of every member to consicard was, therefore, intended, as is now acknowledg-der the principles involved in the case, that he might ed, for other letter writers than Mr. Kremer, who so act as to make it a safe precedent for the future. were to be deterred from writing by this new speeies of political argument. Mr. Kremer was to be the ostensible target, while the fire was intended for

sons, all of whom he could not recollect.

After ordering Mr. Clay's appeal to be placed on the journals, the motion to commit was postponed until the next day: but it is proper to remark here, that,

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immediately before Mr. Clay made his appeal, he "more than my letter imports." These importuni was seen actively engaged in endeavoring to drill ties were not confined to Mr. Kremer; but more thau members into his plans. The house, of all other one of his colleagues were solicited to use their inplaces in the world, was the theatre most favorable fluence with him. His uniform declarations, in aufor his operations, in such a case. It was there his swer to these artful entreaties, was that "the letter power was most felt; there he had dispensed his pa- must explain itself, that he could support all he had tronage for many years; there his prospective influ-said, and would retract nothing." He sometimes addence would be soonest appreciated; he knew how to ed, "that the only direct charge against Mr. Clay, was draw every cord and touch every wire. Great as this that he had transferred to Mr. Adams;" and when it power was, he was unwilling to rely upon it alone. was urged upon him that the letter contained no He adverted to the political organization of the house. charge of corruption against Mr. Clay, as was freHis own friends were about twenty-five in number; quently done, it is not improbable that he may have these he was sure of, for they had determined to risk assented, from which Messrs. Brent, Little and Digges their fate with him on a more trying point. Mr. obtained the foundation of their statement. The corAdams' friends were about sixty-two; these he also roboration of three witnesses to the precise form of was sure of, for he still "held the balance in his words, in a sentence of some length, spoken casually hands." A single vote of any one of five states would in conversation, is not exactly the strongest evidence have prostrated their high hopes. Mr. Crawford's of substantial accuracy. All who have any experi force was about fifty-four. If a part of these could be ence on such subjects, know that conversations are secured, he was sure of success: he, therefore, direct- never recollected, by different persons, in the same ed his whole skill to make a diversion among them, words. I have supposed it possible that some admisin which he so far succeeded as to venture upon hission, as to the character of his letter, by Mr. Kremer, new resolution. Such were the arrangements, on was made to Messrs. Brent and Little, because I am his part, for an eventual discussion and contest, and I sure they would not intentionally misstate a fact. could not be blind to what was seen by every one I am equally sure, however, they were misled by else. Expecting the commitment to prevail, and have reliance upon their memories, because the paper, ing heard that Mr. Clay's friends had been caucus- which Mr. Clay says I put in my pocket, was mater sing for a committee, to be balloted for by the house, ally different from Messrs. Brent & Co's subsequent with a view to have justice done to Mr. Kremer, I statement; which paper was written, as I believe, at waited on a friend and colleague of Mr. Clay. the suggestion of, and dictated by, Mr. Brent, improposed to him that the colleagues of both should mediately after the alleged conversation was said to agree upon a committee, to be composed of the most have taken place, while yet fresh in recollection, and dispassionate and unprejudiced members in the house. purporting, as I understood, to contain what Mr. To have it understood, among the members generally, Kremer had said to him. It seems this paper was that such an arrangement existed, and, if they thought shewn to Mr. Clay, who, no doubt, was advised of, proper to vote for such a committee, it would tend and directed all the movements in operation. His to promote justice and avoid excitement. Mr. Clay's information, however, was not always accurate.colleague refused to entertain my proposition, and This written apology, which, he says, was refused by when I offered to make another, he refused to hear reason of the advice forced upon Mr. Kremer by his il. Upon mentioning this fact to a gentleman, wel! friends, was not seen by me until the next morning acquainted with Mr. Clay, he observed, that "Mr. When it was first offered to Mr. Kremer, he indigClay will never lose the game by neglecting to make nautly said that he "would sign no paper," and would the most of his "trumps." My own opinion, as not even read, nor did he read it until Mr. Brent's to the impropriety and unconstitutionality of the pro- certificate appeared, about three weeks afterwards, cedure, so far as Mr. Kremer was intended to be im- when it was only remembered for the sake of being plicated, was previously fully made up; and I made compared with that statement. It is probable that, the proposal, as well for the purpose of testing the after Mr. Kremer had expressed, in so decided a truth of the rumor of the caucussing, as for securing manner, his determination to have nothing to do with justice to a colleague, under the anticipated decision it, nor to offer any explanation of his letter, in writ of the house. With the distinguished gentleman who ing or otherwise, that I put the paper in my pocket, opened the debate against the appointment of the for I afterwards found it among my papers. I cercommittee, (Mr. Archer, of Virginia), I never ex-tainly gave him no advice before his refusal, nor had changed a word on the subject, nor was there any I any occasion to do it, or to urge him to consult his concert, that I am aware of, either before or dur- friends on that subject. I have no hesitation to say, ing the discussion. The course which the discus-however, that, if my advice had been asked, I would sion took was, however, evidently unexpected to have urged him not to sign it, even against the opinion Mr. Clay, and excited the greatest uneasiness. Soon after it commenced, several of his friends were seen most actively engaged in endeavoring to extort from Mr. Kremer some apology for his letter. They pursued him, and beset him, upon every resting The discussion on the commitment of Mr. Clay's place, through the inner and outer lobbies of the appeal lasted till late in the day. I have already nohouse. Their movements attracted the notice of ticed the efforts of Mr. Clay, and his friends, upon every one within view. Mr. Kremer was flattered Mr. Kremer, during that day; Mr. Clay says he and soothed, by all the arts that could be brought tendered an atonement to Mr. Brent, which he was to bear upon him, to offer some explanation, the con- ready to make in his place the next day. If so, why dition of which was to be a stoppage of all fur- did Mr. Webster, a zealous, personal and political ther proceedings. Mr. Kremer's situation was almost friend of Mr. Clay, go to Mr. Kremer's lodgings that as enviable as that of Mr. Clay, when enjoying his same night, seek and obtain a private interview with "posthumous honors." He remarked to several mem-him-say to him that he had just written a letter to a bers, in my hearing, "that a most surprising change friend, in which he had spoken of him, (Mr. K.), as an Irad taken place." "I have suddenly become," said ardent, honest and faithful representative, expressing he, the cleverest fellow in the world." "No peo- a sincere regard for him, and an anxious wish for th ple treat me with so much civility and kindness as amicable adjustment of his difference with Mr. Clay; "Mr. Clay's best friends: my letter, they now say, suggesting some slight explanation, that would be sacontains nothing against Mr. Clay, and all they tisfactory, and put an end to the investigation? Why "want of me is, that would say that I did not mein I did another friend of Mr. Choy propose to Mr. Kre

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of every other friend he had. I am confident that no human power could have prevailed upon him to sign that paper, or to have retracted a single statement contained in his letter.

mer only to say, that he did not intend the letter for establishment of a dangerous precedent, and also the
publication, and that he would move a reconsidera-new snare which he had just cause to believe was, by
tion of the vote to appoint the committee? Some of some, intended for him. "He, therefore, chose to lay
these flattering attentions were, no doubt, intended to the case before the public, which he promised to do
discover the nature of his evidence, as I understood forthwith. This promise was made about two days
their inquiries were often directed in that way. before the presidential election, (7th February), and
Never was a more zealous, unremitting, persevering Mr. Clay, whose mind seems to be in a frame to see a
effort made by men, more deeply skilled and thorough-ghost behind every bush, says 'this publication, though
ly versed in the art of controlling the operations of the
human mind, than was practised, for twenty-four
hours, by Mr. Clay and his friends, in this case; and
never was there a more complete abortion in such an
undertaking. Mr. Clay and his host of agents and
managers were foiled, upon all points, thus far.

delayed until the 26th of the same month, was designedly made at Washington, on that carly day, to affect his nomination for secretary of state before the senate,' which is exhibited as one of his proofs of a conspiracy. If it be so, the council of conspirators must have known, on the 7th of February, when the In the meantime public attention was awakened to pledge to publish was given, (two days before the elecan inquiry that was most portentous and appalling to tion), that an agreement existed, by which Mr. Adams the projected combination. Their newly raised fa- was to be elected, and Mr. Clay nominated secretary of bric was trembling in every joint; but they were forc-state, on the 4th of March following. Mr. Clay must ed to proceed. Chagrin, mortification and disap- either abandon his faith in the ghost, or admit the pointment sat on every brow. To go on was des- fact which it is thus made to foreknow: he may peration; but to turn back was death. They, there- choose either horn of the dilemma. I have thus gone through the narrative of such incifore, proceeded-the committee was balloted formany members refused to vote, and the caucus com- dents as seemed to be demanded by the charges sailtee, with one exception, was carried. Mr. Clay against me, that you might judge on which side there says they were all his political opponents. I had not is the strongest evidence of a conspiracy. It is imsupposed him capable of such bold disingenuousness. possible for any one to believe, that Mr. Kremer is Six, out of seven of them, voted for his application for a not the author of, the letter, on the twenty-fifth of committee, and more than one was zealously devoted January, to the Columbian Observer. I do not beto him personally. There is no reason, however, for lieve that Mr. Clay has ever entertained, or can encomplaint against the committee. Whatever the mo- tertain, a doubt of it. Nor do I believe that Mr. tives might have been in the selection, they are Kremer ever denied it to Mr. Crowninshield; the not censurable for any of their proceedings. Mr. latter, of course, must have misunderstood him. But Kremer denied their jurisdiction, on grounds that I if he be not the sole author of that letter, or if he has believe cannot be shaken. The only pretence set up denied it, in the manner represented by Mr. Crowninagainst the course he took, is, that he at first admitted shield, I agree that he disgraces the character of a the jurisdiction. This sole pretence contains, how-representative of the people, and deserves all the ever, severe censure of Mr. Clay's conduct, as he brought the question before the house, when no such pretence existed to justify him, for Mr. Kremer had then made no admission.

odium that Mr. Clay would heap upon him; but even such facts would neither prove a conspiracy nor exculpate Mr. Clay before the American people. He labored, night and day, to transfer all the votes he It is a well settled point, however, that an acknow- could to Mr. Adams; these were mostly given against ledgment of jurisdiction gives no power to a court, the known wishes of constituents. For this hazardand a party has a perfect right to avail himself of this ous and anti-republican operation, Mr. Clay has receiv plea in any stage of the proceedings. Suppose one ed the office of secretary of state. None will pretend that member had complained to the house that another he would have received that office if Mr. Adams had had charged him with cheating at cards, and the lat- been elected without his aid. It is then a consideration ter, confident of the truth of his case, had agreed to for his interest then exerted, which is a complete vehave a committee appointed to investigate the facts, rification of the whole charge contained in the letter. that the house might punish the offender. The com- The question for consideration is the truth of the alleplainant might allege, in that case as in this, that, if gations, not the name of the author or the consistency guilty of the fact, he was unworthy of holding his seat; of his character. Still more frivolous is that part of would the house, for these reasons, acquire a consti- Mr. Clay's defence, grounded on the authorship of the tutional jurisdiction in such a case? Certainly not. subsequent communication. Persons of more experiStill less could it be done for publishing a letter, what-ence and practice in public affairs, much less critically ever it might contain; for this is a privilege specially situated, have found it necessary to employ counsel, granted to the people, beyond the power of law enact-learned in the law, to aid them; and the discovery seems first to have been made by Mr. Clay, that, by ed by the whole legislative body of the nation.

I approved of Mr. Kremer pleading to the jurisdic-such a step, a cause was weakened, or that it was a tion of the committee. He determined to do so, ex-crime for one individual to give counsel to another clusively on the ground that the proceeding might without a fee. It cannot be of the slightest importance form a dangerous example for future abuse of power, to the public who wrote the papers. The allusion to in restraining the exercise of sacred and inviolable their authorship, in order to weaken their force, rerights. A conclusive answer, to all that Mr. Clay sembles too much a professional trick, to help out a has said against this plea, is, that the committee, com- bad cause, to have been expected from a statesman. A posed, as he says, of some of the most "eminent mem-cause must be weak, indeed, when such a man could bers of the body," admitted it, by not attempting to bring his mind to resort to such a subterfuge. It might exercise jurisdiction after the plea was made. Mr. be expected that he would feel astonishment, as well Kremer was anxious to exhibit his evidence, a con- as deep mortification and chagrin, at his total failure siderable part of which he knew he could not obtain in all points. Hence he conjures up, in his disturbed voluntarily; but he had reason to suspect an inten-brain, the idea of a conspiracy, mistaking the spontation to confine the investigation to charges not con-neous effusion of unconcerted public opinion, 'from tained in his letter, as the house had already refused to confine the committee to its words. To have acquitted Mr. Clay, after examining Mr. Kremer, would have been, by implication, to convict him, although Le might have been able to prove every assertion he had made. Mr. Kremer's determination avoided the

Boston to Charleston,' for evidences of systematic attack' by a band of conspirators. He seems to wonder that the whole people cannot feel for him as his interested friends do, and as he feels for himself. He cannot realize the influence of public virtue and poli tical morality in the decision of such a question. Mr.

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