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Permit me to add, that I am an ardent friend to the, enter into and influence and control the councils of confederacy of the states--that I am decidedly in fa-, the nation; the deliberations of which, to be wise vor of the existing supremacy of the democratic prin and salutary, should be persectly free, especially ciple in the composition of the constitution, and of from all party or local influence and control; and, the admirable system of representation, upon which therefore, it is supposed that the “right" was careit is founded-I am, therefore, and with great re- fully and effectually guarded against, though not spect, A FEDERAL DEMOCRATIC REPUBLICAN.' expressly so, in the formation of the present constiH. Niles, editor Weekly Register,

tution. Baltimore, Md.

This is inferred, 1st, from the ardent and powerful

reasoning of the framers of the constitution, to she w "RIGHT OF INSTRUCTION.”

the dangerous and fatal effects of parties and factions * Have the people the right to instruct their representatives io in confederated republics; and, of course, against congress?"

the admission of any principle into the constitution It seems to me, that the answer to this question which might serve as an inlei for party spirit into the depends on the meaning of the word “instruct” by congress of the United States-specimens of wbich those who contend for the right.

reasoning may be seen in the “Federalist,” No. 10, by Is it intended to mean, that the people have the Mr. Madison; and in general Washington's "fareright to communicate their thoughts and wishes upon well address” to the people of the United States. any subject, of a public nature, to be yoted upon have attentively read and considered those papers,

I will here beg leave to observe, that, to those who to enlighten and convince their understandings, in and, especially the "farewell address,” it must be a regard to any particular or general interest con- matter of surprise, as well as of mortification and renected there with? If so, the right is indisputable. gret, to see this right of instruction set up and insistIt is founded in reason and in the constitution; and ed upon, as it now is, in opposition to the facts and is more or less acted upon, in every session of con- reasonings contained in them. gress.

My second inference is—from the fact of the enBut if it is intended to mean, that the people have tire omission of the principle, as well as of the prothe right to control the rotes and proceodings of their vision of the 5th article of the old constitution, of representatives, by arbitrary instructions, and there the power of recall:" It may be objected to this inby to compel them to act contrary to their own views ference, that the omission was intended to "prohibit” and opinions, upon “any subject whatever," it is clear the exercise of the "right” to the state legislatures, to me that no such right exists; and further, that this and reserve it to the people, agreeably to the principretended right is contrary to the principles and pro- ple of the provision of the 10th article of amendments visions of the constitution, and contrary to the moral to the constitution, that "the powers pot delegated to principles and feelings of the people, for whose exclu- the United States by the constitution, nor prohibited sive benefit it is pretended it is set up!

by it to the states, are reserved to the states respecIt will not be necessary to my purpose to commence tively, or to the people.” But to this I answer, that the inquiry, as to the origin or existence of this right, the powers delegated to the United States by the at an earlier period of our history than that of the constitution," are full and complete; and that the formation of the old federal constitution. It was vir- very act of such delegation "prohibits” to the peotually, though not specifically, recognised by that!ple, as well as to the legislatures of the states, ali arinstrument, in the power reserved to each state, to bitrary powers, or rights, to interfere with or at"recall its delegates, or any of them, within the year, tempts to control, the cxercise of the powers so de(the time for which they were appointed), and to legated, in any way whatever. send others in their stead for the remainder of the

My third inference is drawn from a well known year"-Art. 5. It is supposed, that this provision fact, that a right, whether of an individual or a comcould only have been intended to remedy incapacity munity, without the means to enforce it, is a mere or disobedience of instructions. It is not doubted pullity, and void of itself-and, therefore, it cannot that iostructions were given, or that “recall” would be rationally supposed that, if the framers of the conhave been the consequence and punishment of diso-stitution had intended to "reserve,” or even to favor bedience. The right is, therefore, admitted upon this the "right,” they would have taken away, cither from constitutional evidence of the “power” to enforce it. the people or the legislatures, the "power” to enforce It may be said that the right, here spoken of, was in

it. the state legislatures and not in the people. But it

My fourth inference is—from the positive provishould be recollected, that it was as well understood sion contained in the 6th section of the Ist article of then, as it is now, that all political power is derived the constitution—that, “for any speech or debate in from the people; and that the people then had an in- either house, they, (the senators and representatives disputable right to instruct their state legislatures. in congress), shall not be questioned in any other It is not, therefore, to be supposed, that the legisla- place." And, finally, from another positive provision tures usurped the power to call the convention to in the constitution, that "congress shall 'make no form the constitution, and to instruct that convention law abridging the right of the people peaceably to to make those legislatures the depositories of the assemble and to petition the government for a repeople's right and power to appoint, instruct and re

dress of grievances"-Sec Ist art. of amendments. call their delegates to congress. Nor is it to be sup Now, if members shall not be questioned out of the posed that the people would have submitted to such house, "for any speech or debate” in it, it seems to usurpations. It follows then, that the rights of apo me to be extremely preposterous to suppose, that they pointment and recall, which constituted and enforced may be “arbitrarily instructed” what they shall, or ihe right of instruction, exercised by the legislatures, what they shall not, say or do, in the performance must have been delegated by the people, which was, of their constitutional functions; or, that they are in fact, and to all intents and purposes, the same as if bound to obey such instructions;-besides, if the peothey had been reserved and exercised by the people ple have a right, arbitrarily “to INSTRUCT their rethemselves. But it is supposed that this recognition presentatives” in matters of legislation—what rationof the right of instruction was considered as a strong al motive can be assigned for this constitutional proobjection to the old constitution; as tending to im- vision to guard their right to "PETITION?" pair and lessen the independence and usefulness of I think it is clearly shewn, that the right of "arbimembers, and as being the medium through which the trary instruction," claimed by factionists for the peofiery and turbulentspirit of parties and factions might'plc, is “contrary to the principles and provisions of

the constitution,” and, therefore, that the represen- to its provisions, can be binding on the people of the tatives in congress are not, and cannot be, bound by states; and because, all laws, made according to its such instructions. It follows, then, that they have provisions, are binding upon all the states, upon every the right to resist them. And I shall endeavor to citizen of the United States, and upon all others reshew, in my next essay, that they are constitution. siding within the limits or jurisdiction thereof. ally and morally bound to do so.

The constitution is composed of various parts, and in the meantime, it may be asked, "have the peo- each part is equal, in validity and force, to any other ple no right of control over the conduct of their re- part of the constitution. These parts are compose presentatives in congress?" I answer yes-they have of the several articles and sections contained in the ine right of enlightening and convincing their under constitution, and these articles describe the form of standings, by address or memorial, if they can--but the general government, and of the several parts of if it should so happen, as it sometimes may, from which it is composed. They prescribe the powers inattention or improper motives in selecting them, and duties of all the parts in concert, and the sepathat their representatives have not the capacity to be rate and independent powers and duties of each parso instructed—or that they have not the candor or ticular branch or part, and, finally, they describe and hotesty to acknowledge conviction when they feel indicate the powers and rights reserved to the stales it, and to act accordingly—the people have the right respectively, or to the people of the several states. 10 ELECT OTHERS to represent them. These are their The parts most in point for present examination, only rightful means of control-and respect for them are those which delegate the powers of the United selves, in regard to those whom they have once ho- States, and those which reserve the powers and rights nored with their confidence, as well as for their own to the states respectively, or to the people. Is the act institutions, should prevent them from ever attempt- of reserralion, by the constitution, of certain powers ing to use any other. These are amply sufficient for and rights to the states or to the people, a complete all the purposes of fair representation--and the use and sufficient guaranty for the full and exclusive of any other, as the constitution now stands, would exercise of those powers and rights, by the states or be contrary to all the known principles of vise and people, to whom they are so reserved. I think it is. equal legislation.

And, if it be so, it must be admitted, that the act of I am, with great respect,

delegalion, by the constitution, of certain powers and A FEDERAL DEMOCRATIC REPUBLICAN. rights to the United States and to the several branches

or individuals of the government thereof, is a full and "RIGHT OF INSTRUCTION."

complete guaranty for the perfect and exclusive exESSAY, NO. 11.

ercise of those powers and rights, by the United

Ipril 22nd, 1825. States, and the several branches and individuals of Sır: It may be seen, in the essay of the 19th inst. the governraent thcreof, to whom they are so delethat the pretended right of the people, to arbitrarily gated. instruct iheir representatives in congress, is "con Now, if the government of the United States, or trary to the principles and provisions of the consti- any branch or individual of that government, should tution of the United States."

usurp, or arbitrarily control the exercise of the powIt is assumed in that essay, that it is the moral and crs and rights reserved to the states or to the peo constitutional duty of every member of congress to plc-would not such usurpation or control, be a resist every attempt to exercise such right-and violation of the constitution. It is clear to me that it that the right, in itself, is contrary to the moral prin- would--and, if so, it must be admitted that the usurciples and feelings of the people, for whom it is set pation, or arbitrary control by the states or the up. And the purpose of this essay is to establish people, or the powers delegated to the United States, the truth of those assumed facts. To do this it will or to any branch or individual of the government only be necessary to briefy examine the nature of thereof, would also be, and equally, a violation of the constitution, the nature of the oath of ofñce it the constitution. Because the authority and the inprescribes to members of congress, and consider strument, by which the respective powers are delea inem in connectior with the nature of this right of gated and reserved, are equal and the same; and beinstruction.

cause, there is nothing in the terms or purpeses, either It may be proper to remark, at the commencement of reservation or delegation, which makes the least disof this examination, that, in this country, all political tinction between, or gives the least preference to the power is derived from the people. That, at the close powers delegated and reserved. The intention of of the revolutionary war, the people thought it ne- the constitucion, then, was evidently this that the cessary and proper to form a closer and stronger union powers delegated and the powers reserved, should of the states, upon the principle of “mutual conces- be SEPARATELY and INDEPENDENTLY exercised, by sion and mutual dependence, for mutual benefits”– those to whom they were given and reserved, as the whereby "the common defence and general welfare” | best means of proinoting and securing "the common might be more effectually and permanently promoted defence and general welfare" of the people of the and secured. Thai, 10 this end, it was found to be ne- United States. cessary to form a general government, to regulate and It is not necessary to my purpose to go into a more manage the general concerns of the unionand that minute examination of the nature of the constituie the constitution is the written will of the people, ortion," and I shall now proceed to examine the "rsthe article of agreement amongst them, as to the form ture of the oath" which it prescribes to members of and powers of the general government.

congress. This article of agreement was deliberately entered This oath hinds every member, to his God and to into and solemnly ratified by the people, in the face his country, "TO SUPPORT THE CONSTITCTION.” Noir, of Hearen, and proclaimed by them to the world as "to support the constitution,” as a whole, it must be the future and indissoluble bond of the union of the supported in all its parts. Each member is, therestates. It is, thercfore, called the "constitution of fore, bound by his oath,“to support the constitution," the United States"-It is called “the supreme law of in all its paris. That is, to equally guard each and the land," because it cannot be altered or amended every part, against all and every sort of violation by an ordinary act of legislation, like other laws-nor and against all attempts to violate them, from whatever 15 any other manner than is pointed out by the people, quarter they may come, or by whomsoever they may in the constitution iiself:* because, no law, contrary be made--whether by the United States, or any

branch or individual of the government thereof, i

upon the powers or rights reseröd to the states or to

the people—or whether by the states or the people, large into the present posture of our national affairs upon the powers and rights delegated to the United - the future destinies of our free republic, and the States, or to any branch or individual of the govern- effect and influence of executive power and presiment thereof. Hence, I infer that it is the moral and dential patronage and policy upon those destinies, for constitutional du:y of every member of congress to good or evil. We were satisfied that Adams was the resist every attempt to exercise the assumed right safest and best choice, and we resolved to sacrifice all of "arbitrary instruction"-whether they proceed local comities and personal dislikes, and give him from the state legislatures, or from the people of the our support. Had you been present you would have states.

done the same. We considered him best qualified If I am correct in this inference, it follows that the to fill the olkice and we voted for him. The same wilful neglect or omission of those duties, involves views which governed our opinions would have rethe crimes of moral perjury and treachery to the gulated yours. We knew that, in kingly governcountry. And, hence, I infer that any attempt to ments, the rivalry among candidates for crowns had exercise the assumed "right of arbitrary instruction," always shaken the most powerful nations to their cenmust be "contrary to the moral principles and feel tre, and had often laid whole empires waste; and, as ings of the people,” in whose name it is set up. Be- this was the second time the elective question had cause, I cannot suppose that there is a moral and re- devolved upon the house, we thought it best, (it

' posflecting man in the nation, whose principles and feel- sible), to finish the election at a single ballot, and ings would not revolt at the thought of being the au- / give our system of government a splendid triumph thor of such crimes—either by lending his name or over all other systems. This has been done; and in influence to, or by permitting them to be used in, such a manner so orderly and dignified, as to furnish a an attempt. And certain it is, that, by so doing, he magnificent commentary upon our civil institutions, would either force his representative into the com- and an example worthy of all future imitation. mission of such crimes, or else compel him to enter The point of requisite qualifications for the office his solemn protest against such attempt, as an uncon- was examined by us, fully and fairly and deliberately, stitutional and corrupt act on the part of his consti- i and every view we were able to take of it resulted in tuents. Ile might, indeed, dress up his protest in favor of Nir. Adams. It seems indeed to be admitted more courtly and agreeable terms--but, disguise it generally, that Adams is as much superior to Jackson as he might, it would still be the same.

in the proper acquirements to 'head the nation, and It may be seen in this and the preceding essay, discharge the multifarious and complicated duties of that I think with Mr. Clay, as to the futility of the chief magistrate, as Jackson would be to him at the general principle of the right. That is, as to the head of an army in the field. So far as experience right of bodies or sections of the people, other and is requisite, Adams is certainly entitled to a most deFarger than those of congressional districts, to “arbi- cided preserence; and experience, though useful every trarily instruct” their representatives in congress. where, is no where so essential as in the management It may also be seen, that I do not think with him, as to of national affairs. It was always held to be a settled the right of congressional districts to arbitrarily in principle in our clective system that the candidate struct their representatives. For, if I mistake him best qualified should be prefered. This, among the not, he admits ihe right and I; dispute it. But I shall old republicans, was considered a landmark at elecparticularly examine his opinions, in this respect, in a tions. It is yet a landmark among those who vote in future essay-and think I shall be able to shew that reference solely to the public good: and if the prinit is not entirely correct. I am, with great respect, ciple ought to have any weight in choosing agents to A FEDERAL DEMOCRATIC REPUBLICAN. fill inferior offices, surely it ought to be decisive in

voting to fill the highest office in the nation's gisi.

Each of the threc candidates had gifts and qualities Late Presidential Election. peculiar to himself; and some qualities, perhaps, are Several of the members of congress from Ken- common to them all: But Jackson has the fighting tucky, Ohio, Indiana, Tennessee, &c. have addressed gist in high perfection, and, had I been called on to circular letters to their constituents, in all which select an officer to head the army, I should have taken the late election of a president of the United States him without a moment's hesitation. The same rule forms a prominent point. That the political history was followed and adhered to in voting for Adams as of that important event may be preserved, it seems next president. His superior fitness for the station, proper that some notice should be taken of those let- ought to justify our vote in the eyes of all sedate and ters; and, besides, the extracts made from them may sober minded men: But, to forestall the cavellings of be otherwise useful.

zealous partizans, I will suppose what no one can Extract from Mr. Trimble's address to the people of the believe-that the three candidates before the house

first congressional district of Kentucky. were equally well qualified to fill the offices and then Four of the members from our state voted for 1 ask, which of them ought to have been supported Jackson, and eight of them for Adams; of whom 1 by the Kentucky delegation? Before I answer, let was ope. Speaking for myself, I can declare most me make an examination of the facts, and a comparisolemnly that my vote was not directed by any selfish son of the relative strength of the candidates before views or local reasons. Fear, favor or affection, us. In making it, I shall endeavor to distinguish bewere not among the motives that governed my opi- tweer results that were certain, and hopes that were nions and decision. I looked, as I think I should have delusive, and wishes that were only possible, but not done, to the great and leading interests of the nation; probable. always recollecting that my own state makes a part of Mr. Adams was elected on the first ballot. Thirteen i!. I feel satisfied that those with whom I voted did states voted for him; seven for Jackson, and four for the same. Our choice was the result of serious and Crawford. By voting for Jackson the state of Kendispassionate reflection. We consulted frankly and tucky could have prerented an election on the first freely on the subject. We compared and contrasted ballot, and probably for several succeeding ballots; the claims and merits of the two highest candidates but finally Adams would have been elected with our upon the list. We considered their claims upon the vote against him. This may be shown by a brief country-their qualifications for the presidential of statement. There are 24 states in the union, and in fice-their political principles and predilection-making a president, they vote by statos, each state their opinions of federal power and state rights--and having only one vote. The constitution declares their views, (so far as we could know or learn), of “that a majority of all the states shall be necessary to our policy, foreign and domestic. We lookeš ail a choice.Thirteen is the majority of 24, and of

course no election could be made until some one of ing; and, in making the experiment, they would the candidates could obtain the votes of 13 states. have left it in the power of the Crawford states to Let that be kept in memory. Mr. Adams had the sir turn a complete summerset over Keptucky and her Neix England states certain. New York, Maryland, Jackson candidate. And, moreover, that course, al Ohio and Illinois, were equally certain, That is to though it might have drawn no censure on them, say--he had ten voies certain, omiting Louisiana, must have been abandoned in the end, and, therefore, which voted for him, and was probably as certain as would not have been an open, manly attitude, for any of the others: But say ten votes certaid, and then members who were called upon to take a second three votes more would elect him. Crawford had choice. They were sworn to choose a president four states certain, viz: Delaware, Virginia, North out of the three highest on the list, and I must allow Carolina, and Georgia: These voted for him, as it myself to say that a true statesman ought to hare was well known they would do before the role was sagacity enough---political instinct enough, to per taken. Give Jackson all the other states, including ceive the final issue of events, and firmness enough Kentucky, and the ballot would stand thus-Adams to march forward to that point without dissimulation 10, Jackson 10, Crawford 4. lu my opinion, Jackson or false motives. I must repeat it, if Kentucky had could have got no more than ten votes in any possible voted for Jackson, and all the other states had stood event. Among these ten, I have counted Louisiana; firm in purpose, there would have been no election: but as that state voted for Adams, it ought to be set But it is reasonable to believe that, after a time, prudown to him, and then the ballot would stand thus- dence and good sense would have induced some 10 Idams 11, Jackson 9, Crawford 1.

yield their personal preference, and sacrifce their Now, upon these facts it is plain, that there could private wishes for the public good. And here the be no election, so long as each state should persist in inquiry is--which of the parties ought to lead the its first choice. It is equally clear, that Crawford's way and set the first cxample? Should it be the four states could at any time clect Mr. Adams by 50- friends of Jackson, Adams or Crawford? I answer ing over to him. But in this statement I give Jackson the friends of Crawford certainly. But take it either Louisiana and Missouri also: whereas they both voied way, and look at the result. Let Adams be withfor Adams, and if they are both set down to him, then drawn, and then Crawford would have been elected. the result is-Adams 12-Jackson S-Crawford 4: The six New England states prefer him to Jackson, and so, if the Crawford states had gone for Jackson, and would have voted for him certainly. New York the voie would have been a tie at 12 & 12. This last would have voted for him certainly. That state has arrangement of the Adams vote, giving him Louisiana 34 members, of whom is voted for Adams, 14 for and Missouri, is more to be relied upon than any Crawford, and only 2 for Jackson. Here then are ? other, because it accords with the vote of the ballot votes for Crawford, (Adams aside), which, added box. Perhaps Missouri would have gone for Jack- to his original states, makes 11. But a large mason with Kentucky: I think she would: and then he jority of the members from Obio prefered Crawford would have only 9 votes, as before stated: But Illi- to Jackson; and so did the member from Missouri; nois was certain for Adams; and so also was Ohio: which makes 13 states. It is said, and I have no The vote of Obio stood thus-Adams 10, Crawford 2, doubt of the fact, that the member from Mississippi Jackson 2: but take them either way, and I again presered Crawford 10 Jackson personally. He was repeat that no effect could be produced so long as certainty willing to vote for Crawford after a few cach state should adhere to its first choice: and what ballots, if, in doing so, the contest could be ended. would have been the result, if each state hai perse- It is very certain that, Adams aside, Crawford would vered in its obstinate adhesion? The house of repre- have received 13 votes, and probably 14, and thus sentatives--the great depository of our rights and have been made president, with the Kentucky yote liberties—the people's house--composed of their im- against him. But it is more likely that the friends of uncdiate agents, would have presented to the nation Crawford would have yielded and withdrawn him: and the world the shameful and disgraceful spectacle, Ist. Because he had the lowest vote in the electoral of balloting for a president without effect, from the colleges: 20. Because he was the weakest of the sth of February to the 3d of March, at midnight. three before the house: 3d. Perhaps the state of his What an execrable display it would have been of health would have had some weight with his friends divisions, sub-divisions, and profitless contentions? What is advising his withdrawal: 4th. He is too good a a scene for emperors and crowned heads to look upon man, and too sincere a friend of his country, to have and scoff at? How justly wonld it merit their deri- it thrown into confusion by an obstinate protraction sion and contempt? How could the friends of elec- of the ballotings on his account. Suppose him withtive government hold up their heads after such a drawn, and then the question is—which of the others shameful exhibition? Ilhat an example to the new res would be the sccond choice of his friends: I answer, publics of the south? Is that the way to recommend Adams, beyond a doubt:--- Ist. Because Crawford and our system to the world for its adoption? How could Jackson have been, and probably yet are, hostile to we justify the scandalous display of discord and con- each other; and because a majority of Crawford's fusion? Could we expect the nation to do less than friends are decidedly opposed to Jackson: 2d. Beexecrate our memory and names? Should we not cause Calhoun and his friends are hostile to Crawhave inerited the execration of all living, and of all ford and his friends; and because sears existed that that shall live after them?

Jackson, if eleeled, would support Calhoun and his But, apart from argument, wliat was the duty of friends, and break down Crawford and his friends: tbe menabers from Kentucky? The constitution 3d. Because fears existed among Crawford's friends, commanded them to choose a president vut of the that Jackson, if elected, would form a Calhoun cabithree highest on the list of candidates. They were net, and promote his future views and the views of sworn, like other merobers, to support the constitu- his friends, and oppose Crawford and his views and tion; and if they had voted for Jackson "throughoul the views of his friends: Ath. Because the friends the whole contesi," instead of choosing a president, of Crawford are opposed to Calhoun upon political they would have aided in preventing one from being principles, and will not support any man willingly chosen. llow would this comport with their duty who favors him; nor countenance any scheme that upon oath, so far as that oath is connected with the may lead to his future elevation: 5th. Because it is question: Those cight members, it is true, might supposed that, from the force of circumstances, the diave given one or more votes for Jackson, and thus cotion states of the south would rather unite the have shown a willinguess to please all sides and gra- selves with the eastern commercial states, than with lily all partics: but they knew it would be unavai!- the, clcro agricultural states: 6th. Because, i

taking Adams, they would expect to have their equal, deniable, that the votes of seven states were given share of influence in his cabinet and councils, which against gen. Jackson, in the house of representatives, they would not expect from Jackson; and we all contrary to the known wishes of the people thereof; know that men insensibly lean a little in favor of six of which, (to wit:) Kentucky, Ohio, Missouri, the side which will give most weight and conse- Illinois, Louisiana and Maryland, were given to Mr. quence to their respective states and sections of Adams, and one, (to wit:) North Carolina, by the precountry: 7. Because, by going for Adams, they could vious commitment of its members, to Mr. Crawford. elect him certainly, and thus fing themselves ahead What were the motives which directed the course, of the western states, and ose executive influence or the means by which the end was attained, your paagainst our western views and policy for the next tience and my limits would not permit me to relate. eight years, as has been done, we all know, for the It is enough that the deed was done; that the reprelast eight: And finally-because the friends of Craw- sentatives of the people, in the hour of trial, have beford consider Adams better qualified than Jackson trayed their most sacred and momentous trust; and to discharge the duties of the office, which, in itself, were I lo ask for a reason to justify this act, no reis a decisive reason. In short, the friends of Craw- publican could furnish one. ford would find many reasons to unite with Adams, A tyrant may be courteous and munificent; a usurand not one inducing them to go for Jackson. It has per wise and wary; but their example is therefore been said since the election, and I verily believe it, not the less dangerous. I would not determine, at all that the friends of Crawford intended finally to take events, to oppose this or any other administration. Adams, rather than let Jackson be elected. There I would, according to my judgment of right and wrong. is good reason to believe that Adams had a majority support it in the right, oppose it in the wrong, and of the delegation of each of the four Crawford states, cling to the cause of our country, no matter who are and that he was the second choice of all of them; its rulers. But I should be as false to my own princibe certainly was the second choice of three of them. ples, as others have been to their constituents, if I The result is, that Adams would have been elected. were not to re-assert the violated rights of the counIn taking Adams, therefore, we were certain of suc- try, and trust to the redeeming spirit of the constitucess: In taking Jackson we were sure to be defeat- tion to restore the government, in due time, to the ed: or, at least, we could only divide the vote and hands of the people, "whose rights is to rule." make a tie, which was the worst result that could · have bappened, because it was the most dangerous | Ertraći from the letter of Mr. Reynolds, of Tennessee, and most pernicious in example. He that can wish

to his constituents. to see a balloting for president continued day by day, Aster mentioning the election of Mr. Adams, Mr. for three and twenty days, is sonder of cabals, and Reynolds says—This erent, I know, is contrary to caucuses, and stratagems, and strife, than I can be, your best wishes, and I believe contrary to the will or ever wish to bc.

of a majority of the people of this union. And if I (The address goes on to give a variety of special or am not greatly deceived in the disposition and deterlo: al reasons to shew why the vole of Kentucky was mination of them, the hero of New Orleans will be the favorable to Mr. Adams; and assumes it as a truth, next president who shall preside over the destinies of that had the people of that state "been present and this great and growing republic. Tennessee, on this joformed of all the facts and circumstances, a large occasion, did her duty. The delegation wasuna nimajority would have voted with the eight members mous for her Jackson, it being almost the universal for Mr. Adams.")

voice of their constituents. My course was consistent

with your dignity and honor, and my own feelings. I Extract from the circular letter of Mr. Isacks, of Tennes found no conceri or management among the friends see, to his constituents, cateil Washinglon, March 3. of general Jackson. I sought for no combinations,

Upon the subject of the presidential clection, I if any there were, to promote his election, by planing know my feelings are strong; I think they are honest; him under obligations beyond his duiy afterwards to but hope I shall not indulge them, or add to your dis- perform. I reiterated to every gentleman with whom appointment by the expression of a single word un- i conversed on the subject, his character, talents and worthy of the charity of a christian, or the candor of services, and submitted his claims to their cona patriot. It is not a question in which personal or sciences and judgment. If any improper combinations local considerations ought to rule the judgment. or corruptions have been employed in the elevation of

However much I have seen in the lofty virtue and Mr. Adams, it is unkgown to me. I should most inupbending mind of general Jackson to command my eritably have exposed it to public view. But, in the admiration and esteem; however much I have felt absence of all proof, who, I ask, has made me the arfor the pride of my much injured state-all this, and biter of men's motives and actions, and pronounce milch more, could I forego, and bow with cheerful them infamous, hecause they differ with me on subresignation to the majesty of the people of this repub:jects of deep interest to the country, acting under the lic, if it were with their will that those things had same solemn obligations of honor and duty which been done. But it is not Jackson that has been de- binds us all to heaven? I hope the charges are unfeated or Tennessee that has been overlooked--t is founded. Men of great talents, who have heretofore the sovereign will of the people, (till now) the almigh- stood high in the regard and affections of their selty voice of this great nation, that has been set at low-citizens, for their patriotic and distinguished - defiance.

services, and who have been honored with the most The political assassin bas stabbed at the vitals of important offices within the gift of the people, ani the constitution, and the life's blood of the republic now enjoy them, ought not to be put down on slight flows through the wound.

grounds or jealous suspicions. But, if it is possible Is ours a government of the people? Is their will to fix guilt by evidence, the business ought not to rest subject to no control but that which they themselves, in newspaper essays, and the murmurs of the disa; ;not their servants, have placed over it?

pointed; for, much as I esteem and honor some oi And have we, in less than half a century, come to them, I would not hesitate a moment to hurl them from this, that the first magistrate can be chosen, not loy their bigh ošces, in the manner pointed out by the the choice, but against the known, expressed and 90- constitution. I had no favors personally to ask of any lemn choice, of at least seventeen out of the twenty of those eminent men, who might succeed to the prefour states, and, worse than all, by the votes of six sidential chair. I want, nor expect, no ofice. My states falsely given by their representatives against duty and obligations are ex sirly 'yours while the knowo will of their constituents. The fact is uno your service.

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