the people-or whether by the states or the people, upon the powers and rights delegated to the United States, or to any branch or individual of the government thereof. Hence, I infer that it is the moral and constitutional duty of every member of congress to resist every attempt to exercise the assumed right of "arbitrary instruction"-whether they proceed from the state legislatures, or from the people of the

states.

large into the present posture of our national affairs -the future destinies of our free republic, and the effect and influence of executive power and presidential patronage and policy upon those destinies, for We were satisfied that Adams was the good or evil.

safest and best choice, and we resolved to sacrifice all local enmities and personal dislikes, and give him our support. Had you been present you would have done the same. We considered him best qualified to fill the office and we voted for him. The same views which governed our opinions would have regulated yours. We knew that, in kingly governments, the rivalry among candidates for crowns had always shaken the most powerful nations to their cen

If I am correct in this inference, it follows that the wilful neglect or omission of those duties, involves the crimes of moral perjury and treachery to the country. And, hence, I infer that any attempt to exercise the assumed "right of arbitrary instruction," must be "contrary to the moral principles and feel-tre, and had often laid whole empires waste; and, as ings of the people," in whose name it is set up. Because, I cannot suppose that there is a moral and reflecting man in the nation, whose principles and feelings would not revolt at the thought of being the author of such crimes-either by lending his name or influence to, or by permitting them to be used in, such an attempt. And certain it is, that, by so doing, he would either force his representative into the commission of such crimes, or else compel him to enter his solemn protest against such attempt, as an unconstitutional and corrupt act on the part of his constituents. He might, indeed, dress up his protest in more courtly and agreeable terms--but, disguise it as he might, it would still be the same.

this was the second time the elective question had devolved upon the house, we thought it best, (if possible), to finish the election at a single ballot, and give our system of government a splendid triumph over all other systems. This has been done; and in a manner so orderly and dignified, as to furnish a magnificent commentary upon our civil institutions, and an example worthy of all future imitation. The point of requisite qualifications for the office was examined by us, fully and fairly and deliberately, and every view we were able to take of it resulted in favor of Mr. Adams. It seems indeed to be admitted generally, that Adams is as much superior to Jackson in the proper acquirements to head the nation, and It may be seen in this and the preceding essay, discharge the multifarious and complicated duties of that I think with Mr. Clay, as to the futility of the chief magistrate, as Jackson would be to him at the general principle of the right. That is, as to the head of an army in the field. So far as experience right of bodies or sections of the people, other and is requisite, Adams is certainly entitled to a most delarger than those of congressional districts, to "arbi- cided preference; and experience, though useful every trarily instruct" their representatives in congress. where, is no where so essential as in the management It may also be seen, that I do not think with him, as to of national affairs. It was always held to be a settled the right of congressional districts to arbitrarily in-principle in our elective system that the candidate struct their representatives. For, if I mistake him not, he admits the right and I; dispute it. But I shall particularly examine his opinions, in this respect, in a future essay-and think I shall be able to shew that it is not entirely correct. I am, with great respect, A FEDERAL DEMOCRATIC REPUBLICAN.

Late Presidential Election. Several of the members of congress from Kentucky, Ohio, Indiana, Tennessee, &c. have addressed circular letters to their constituents, in all which the late election of a president of the United States forms a prominent point. That the political history of that important event may be preserved, it seems proper that some notice should be taken of those letters; and, besides, the extracts made from them may be otherwise useful.

Extract from Mr. Trimble's address to the people of the

best qualified should be prefered. This, among the
old republicans, was considered a landmark at elec-
tions. It is yet a landmark among those who vote in
reference solely to the public good: and if the prin-
ciple ought to have any weight in choosing agents to
fill inferior offices, surely it ought to be decisive in
voting to fill the highest office in the nation's gift.
Each of the three candidates had gifts and qualities
peculiar to himself; and some qualities, perhaps, are
common to them all: But Jackson has the fighting
gift in high perfection, and, had I been called on to
select an officer to head the army, I should have taken
him without a moment's hesitation. The same rule
was followed and adhered to in voting for Adams as
His superior fitness for the station,
next president.
ought to justify our vote in the eyes of all sedate and
sober minded men: But, to forestall the cavellings of
zealous partizans, I will suppose what no one can
believe-that the three candidates before the house
were equally well qualified to fill the office; and then
I ask, which of them ought to have been supported
by the Kentucky delegation? Before I answer, let
me make an examination of the facts, and a compari-
son of the relative strength of the candidates before
In making it, I shall endeavor to distinguish be-
us.
tweer results that were certain, and hopes that were
delusive, and wishes that were only possible, but not
probable.

first congressional district of Kentucky. Four of the members from our state voted for Jackson, and eight of them for Adams; of whom I was one. Speaking for myself, I can declare most solemnly that my vote was not directed by any selfish views or local reasons. Fear, favor or affection, were not among the motives that governed my opinions and decision. I looked, as I think I should have done, to the great and leading interests of the nation; Mr. Adams was elected on the first ballot. Thirteen always recollecting that my own state makes a part of it. I feel satisfied that those with whom I voted did states voted for him; seven for Jackson, and four for the same. Our choice was the result of serious and Crawford. By voting for Jackson the state of Kendispassionate reflection. We consulted frankly and tucky could have prevented an election on the first freely on the subject. We compared and contrasted ballot, and probably for several succeeding ballots; the claims and merits of the two highest candidates but finally Adams would have been elected with our This may be shown by a brief upon the list. We considered their claims upon the vote against him. Country-their qualifications for the presidential of statement. There are 24 states in the union, and in fice-their political principles and predilections making a president, they vote by states, each state The constitution declares their opinions of federal power and state rights-and having only one vote. their views, (so far as we could know or learn), of "that a majority of all the states shall be necessary to our policy, foreign and domestic. We looked at a choice." Thirteen is the majority of 24, and or

course no election could be made until some one offing; and, in making the experiment, they would the candidates could obtain the votes of 13 states. have left it in the power of the Crawford states to Let that be kept in memory. Mr. Adams had the six turn a complete summerset over Kentucky and her New England states certain. New York, Maryland, Jackson candidate. And, moreover, that course, alOhio and Illinois, were equally certain, That is to though it might have drawn no censure on them, say he had ten votes certain, omiting Louisiana, must have been abandoned in the end, and, therefore, which voted for him, and was probably as certain as would not have been an open, manly attitude, for any of the others: But say ten votes certain, and then members who were called upon to take a second three votes more would elect him. Crawford had choice. They were sworn to choose a president four states certain, viz: Delaware, Virginia, North out of the three highest on the list, and I must allow Carolina, and Georgia: These voted for him, as it myself to say that a true statesman ought to have was well known they would do before the vote was sagacity enough-political instinct enough, to pertaken. Give Jackson all the other states, including ceive the final issue of events, and firmness enough Kentucky, and the ballot would stand thus-Adams to march forward to that point without dissimulation 10, Jackson 10, Crawford 4. In my opinion, Jackson or false motives. I must repeat it, if Kentucky had could have got no more than ten votes in any possible voted for Jackson, and all the other states had stood event. Among these ten, I have counted Louisiana; firm in purpose, there would have been no election: but as that state voted for Adams, it ought to be set But it is reasonable to believe that, after a time, prudown to him, and then the ballot would stand thus- dence and good sense would have induced some to Adams 11, Jackson 9, Crawford 4. private wishes for the public good. yield their personal preference, and sacrifice their inquiry is-which of the parties ought to lead the way and set the first example? Should it be the And here the friends of Jackson, Adams or Crawford? I answer the friends of Crawford certainly. But take it either way, and look at the result. Let Adams be withdrawn, and then Crawford would have been elected. The six New England states prefer him to Jackson, and would have voted for him certainly. New York would have voted for him certainly. That state has 34 members, of whom is voted for Adams, 14 for Crawford, and only 2 for Jackson. Here then are 7 votes for Crawford, (Adams aside), which, added

Now, upon these facts it is plain, that there could be no election, so long as each state should persist in, its first choice. It is equally clear, that Crawford's four states could at any time elect Mr. Adams by go ing over to him. But in this statement I give Jackson Louisiana and Missouri also: whereas they both voted for Adams, and if they are both set down to him, then the result is-Adams 12-Jackson 8-Crawford 4: and so, if the Crawford states had gone for Jackson, the vote would have been a tie at 12 & 12. This last arrangement of the Adams vote, giving him Louisiana and Missouri, is more to be relied upon than any other, because it accords with the vote of the ballot box. Perhaps Missouri would have gone for Jack-to his original 4 states, makes 11. But a large mason with Kentucky: I think she would: and then he jority of the members from Ohio prefered Crawford would have only 9 votes, as before stated: But Illi- to Jackson; and so did the member from Missouri; nois was certain for Adams; and so also was Ohio: which makes 13 states. It is said, and I have no The vote of Ohio stood thus-Adams 10, Crawford 2, doubt of the fact, that the member from Mississippi Jackson 2: but take them either way, and I again prefered Crawford to Jackson personally. He was repeat that no effect could be produced so long as certainly willing to vote for Crawford after a few cach state should adhere to its first choice: and what ballots, if, in doing so, the contest could be ended. would have been the result, if each state had perse-It is very certain that, Adams aside, Crawford would vered in its obstinate adhesion? The house of repre- have received 13 votes, and probably 14, and thus sentatives the great depository of our rights and have been made president, with the Kentucky vote liberties-the people's house-composed of their im- against him. But it is more likely that the friends of nediate agents, would have presented to the nation Crawford would have yielded and withdrawn him: and the world the shameful and disgraceful spectacle, 1st. Because he had the lowest vote in the electoral of balloting for a president without effect, from the colleges: 2d. Because he was the weakest of the 8th of February to the 3d of March, at midnight. three before the house: 3d. Perhaps the state of his What an execrable display it would have been of health would have had some weight with his friends divisions, sub-divisions, and profitless contentions? What in advising his withdrawal: 4th. He is too good a a scene for emperors and crowned heads to look upon man, and too sincere a friend of his country, to have and scoff at? How justly would it merit their deri- it thrown into confusion by an obstinate protraction sion and contempt? How could the friends of elec-of the ballotings on his account. Suppose him withtive government hold up their heads after such a shameful exhibition? What an example to the new republics of the south? Is that the way to recommend our system to the world for its adoption? How could we justify the scandalous display of discord and confusion? Could we expect the nation to do less than execrate our memory and names? Should we not have merited the execration of all living, and of all that shall live after them?

drawn, and then the question is-which of the others would be the second choice of his friends? I answer, Adams, beyond a doubt:-1st. Because Crawford and Jackson have been, and probably yet are, hostile to each other; and because a majority of Crawford's friends are decidedly opposed to Jackson: 2d. Because Calhoun and his friends are hostile to Crawford and his friends; and because fears existed that But, apart from argument, what was the duty of friends, and break down Crawford and his friends: Jackson, if eleeted, would support Calhoun and his the members from Kentucky? The constitution 3d. Because fears existed among Crawford's friends, commanded them to choose a president out of the that Jackson, if elected, would form a Calhoun cabithree highest on the list of candidates. They were net, and promote his future views and the views of sworn, like other members, to support the constitu- his friends, and oppose Crawford and his views and tion; and if they had voted for Jackson "throughout the views of his friends: 4th. Because the friends the whole contest," instead of chosing a president, of Crawford are opposed to Calhoun upon political they would have aided in preventing one from being chosen. How would this comport with their duty upon oath, so far as that oath is connected with the question? Those eight members, it is true, might have given one or more votes for Jackson, and thus have shown a willinguess to please all sides and gratify all parties: but they knew it would be unavail

principles, and will not support any man willingly
who favors him; nor countenance any scheme that
may lead to his future elevation: 5th. Because it is
supposed that, from the force of circumstances, the
cotton states of the south would rather unite the
selves with the eastern commercial states, than with
the weern agricultural states: 6th. Because,

taking Adams, they would expect to have their equal deniable, that the votes of seven states were given share of influence in his cabinet and councils, which against gen. Jackson, in the house of representatives, they would not expect from Jackson; and we all contrary to the known wishes of the people thereof; know that men insensibly lean a little in favor of six of which, (to wit:) Kentucky, Ohio, Missouri, the side which will give most weight and conse- Illinois, Louisiana and Maryland, were given to Mr. quence to their respective states and sections of Adams, and one, (to wit:) North Carolina, by the precountry: 7. Because, by going for Adams, they could vious commitment of its members, to Mr. Crawford. elect him certainly, and thus fling themselves ahead What were the motives which directed the course, of the western states, and use executive influence or the means by which the end was attained, your paagainst our western views and policy for the next tience and my limits would not permit me to relate. eight years, as has been done, we all know, for the It is enough that the deed was done; that the reprelast eight: And finally--because the friends of Craw-sentatives of the people, in the hour of trial, have beford consider Adams better qualified than Jackson trayed their most sacred and momentous trust; and to discharge the duties of the office, which, in itself, were I to ask for a reason to justify this act, no reis a decisive reason. In short, the friends of Craw-publican could furnish one. ford would find many reasons to unite with Adams, A tyrant may be courteous and munificent; a usurand not one inducing them to go for Jackson. It has per wise and wary; but their example is therefore been said since the election, and I verily believe it, not the less dangerous. I would not determine, at all that the friends of Crawford intended finally to take events, to oppose this or any other administration. Adams, rather than let Jackson be elected. There I would, according to my judgment of right and wrong. is good reason to believe that Adams had a majority support it in the right, oppose it in the wrong, and of the delegation of each of the four Crawford states, cling to the cause of our country, no matter who are and that he was the second choice of all of them; its rulers. But I should be as false to my own princibe certainly was the second choice of three of them.ples, as others have been to their constituents, if I The result is, that Adams would have been elected. were not to re-assert the violated rights of the counIn taking Adams, therefore, we were certain of suc- try, and trust to the redeeming spirit of the constitucess: In taking Jackson we were sure to be defeat tion to restore the government, in due time, to the ed: or, at least, we could only divide the vote and hands of the people, "whose rights is to rule." make a tie, which was the worst result that could have bappened, because it was the most dangerous and most pernicious in example. He that can wish to see a balloting for president continued day by day, for three and twenty days, is fonder of cabals, and caucuses, and stratagems, and strife, than I can be, or ever wish to be.

[The address goes on to give a variety of special or local reasons to shew why the vote of Kentucky was favorable to Mr. Adams; and assumes it as a truth, that had the people of that state "been present and informed of all the facts and circumstances, a large majority would have voted with the eight members for Mr. Adams."]

Extract from the letter of Mr. Reynolds, of Tennessee, to his constituents.

After mentioning the election of Mr. Adams, Mr. Reynolds says-This event, I know, is contrary to your best wishes, and I believe contrary to the will of a majority of the people of this union. And if I am not greatly deceived in the disposition and determination of them, the hero of New Orleans will be the next president who shall preside over the destinies of this great and growing republic. Tennessee, on this occasion, did her duty. The delegation wasuna nimous for her Jackson, it being almost the universal voice of their constituents. My course was consistent with your dignity and honor, and my own feelings. I Extract from the circular letter of Mr. Isacks, of Tennes- found no concert or management among the friends see, to his constituents, dated Washington, March 8. of general Jackson. I sought for no combinations, Upon the subject of the presidential election, I if any there were, to promote his election, by placing know my feelings are strong; I think they are honest; him under obligations beyond his duty afterwards to but hope I shall not indulge them, or add to your dis- perform. I reiterated to every gentleman with whom appointment by the expression of a single word un-I conversed on the subject, his character, talents and worthy of the charity of a christian, or the candor of a patriot. It is not a question in which personal or local considerations ought to rule the judgment.

services, and submitted his claims to their consciences and judgment. If any improper combinations or corruptions have been employed in the elevation of However much I have seen in the lofty virtue and Mr. Adams, it is unknown to me. I should most inunbending mind of general Jackson to command my evitably have exposed it to public view. But, in the admiration and esteem; however much I have felt absence of all proof, who, I ask, has made me the arfor the pride of my much injured state-all this, and biter of men's motives and actions, and pronounce much more, could I forego, and bow with cheerful them infamous, because they differ with me on subresignation to the majesty of the people of this repub- jects of deep interest to the country, acting under the lic, if it were with their will that those things had same solemn obligations of honor and duty which been done. But it is not Jackson that has been de- binds us all to heaven? I hope the charges are unfeated or Tennessee that has been overlooked-It is founded. Men of great talents, who have heretofore the sovereign will of the people, (till now) the almigh-stood high in the regard and affections of their felty voice of this great nation, that has been set at defiance.

The political assassin bas stabbed at the vitals of the constitution, and the life's blood of the republic flows through the wound.

Is ours a government of the people? Is their will subject to no control but that which they themselves, not their servants, have placed over it?

low-citizens, for their patriotic and distinguished services, and who have been honored with the most important offices within the gift of the people, and now enjoy them, ought not to be put down on slight grounds or jealous suspicions. But, if it is possible to fix guilt by evidence, the business ought not to rest in newspaper essays, and the murmurs of the disap pointed; for, much as I esteem and honor some of And have we, in less than half a century, come to them, I would not hesitate a moment to hurl them from this, that the first magistrate can be chosen, not by their high oices, in the manner pointed out by the the choice, but against the known, expressed and so- constitution. I had no favors personally to ask of any lemn choice, of at least seventeen out of the twenty-of those eminent men, who might succeed to the prefour states, and, worse than all, by the votes of six sidential chair. I want, nor expect, no office. My states falsely given by their representatives against duty and obligations are exclusively 'yours while ià the known will of their constituents? The fact is un- } your service.

Mr. Adams is a man of eminent and distinguished we cannot doubt, when we advert to some of the facts talents, and I trust will have an honorable, prosper-in the last election. One candidate had a decided ous and happy administration, during the term of his preference of eleven out of twenty-four states, by election, for the benefit and glory of our common the people; yet, when the power passed from their country. But it cannot be concealed that he is now hands, and devolved on the house of representatives, placed in a singular and unpleasant dilemma, un the voice of the people was not regarded by their reknown to our political history. He has been elected presentatives, (in many instances), but their indivipresident of the United States, with a minority smal-dual inclinations, from some cause or other, pursued, ler than the votes of the electoral colleges to general without any reference to the will of their constituJackson. This is a circumstance of great moment, ents. and demands the serious attention of the people of this union. The constitution ought to be amended, and the election given to the people; for I deem it of vital importance to the well being and prosperity of our country, that the chief magistrate should have, at the commencement of his administration, the confidence and esteem of at least a majority of his fellow

citizens.

The individual who was manifestly the choice of a majority of the people, was not elevated to that distinguished situation for which his qualifications so pre-eminently fitted him, and to which the important services he rendered to his country so richly entitled him. Another was chosen by the house of representatives, who had in his favor a less expression of national confidence, as manifested in the electoral colleges.

Extract from the circular of Mr. Houston, to the freemen This is a subject of serious consideration for the of the ninth congressional district of the state of Ten-citizens of the United States; and it will be for them nessee, dated Washington, March 3. to say, on some subsequent occasion, whether their voice shall be heard, and their rights respected, or whether they will tamely yield those inestimable rights to the unhallowed dictation of politicians, who may choose to barter them, for their own individual aggrandizement, or otherwise dispose of them, contrary to the known will of their constituents.

Extract from Mr. Call's address to the people of the first

At a late day of the present session, an appeal was made by the speaker of the house of representatives, in his official character, requesting an investigation of some charges that had been made against him by a member of congress from the state of Pennsylvania, which appeared in the character of a letter, in one of the public journals of that state. A motion was submitted to appoint a special committee for the investigation of the subject, which, after consuming two days in discussion, was adopted. To this course ĺ congressional district of the state of Indiana. was opposed; because I did not think that congress The election of a president of the United States had any thing to do with a difference which had been has been made by congress. This was an event of made personal, by the course pursued by the speaker great importance to the nation. The people had himself. The imposing situation of the speaker of made the attempt, and, having failed, they saw their the house of representatives is such, that I am never highest constitutional right transferred to the hands willing to give my vote for the extension of his pow-of their representatives in congress, and much solicier, when I can either suspect the existence of per- tude was manifested as to the manner in which they sonal feelings, or that there is even a remote possi- would discharge this heavy responsibility, in the exer bility of rendering congress a court of inquisition, or cise of power not originally designed for them. that it may become an engine of oppression to either members of the house or individuals in society, who may choose to exercise their constitutional privileges in the expression of their opinions.

You here saw the leading friends and partizans, who had warmly supported and advocated the cause of their respective favorite candidates for the presi dency, before the people of a wide extended repubThe courts in our country are open, at all times, lic, collected together at your capitol, to decide the for the redress of grievances, and to them individuals then unsettled contest. You had good cause to sup can have recourse, where justice can be adminis-pose that a struggle would ensue between private in tered to the party aggrieved. There every man is terest, partiality or prejudice, and the duty which the presented upon a footing of equality; stripped of representative owed to his constituents; which would power and patronage-no adventitious circumstance triumph, was matter of doubt; and which has triumphof official character, or extensive influence, can biased, is now for you to decide. the mind of an impartial jury. The case is there determined upon its merits. There is no danger in this course, the constitution has prescribed it. There is no danger of readering it the firebrand of party zeal. But it will assume a very different aspect, if congress is to become a court for the trial of personal altercation and disputes. It will render it a scene of discord and confusion, and the hall of legislation will become a scene of uproar, party rancor, and personal animo-stituents, yet remember he, as well as the president sity.

Although this contest has terminated in the election of a chief magistrate, not the nation's first choice, nor yours, yet it is a subject of much gratification to every lover of his country, to see an event, of which so much evil was foretold, pass by, unattended with any serious political disturbance; and if, by the too rigid exercise of constitutional power, the representative has crossed the feelings and wishes of his con

himself, must, in due time, surrender to the people, The subject of the presidential election, which agi- the power which they delegated to him, and it will be tated the American community so long, and was of so for them to say whether they will again intrust it to much interest to the nation, has resulted in the elec- his hands. tion of a candidate who had not a majority of the Your favorite candidate for the presidency, was votes in the electoral colleges. Nor had he a majo-not a candidate before congress; he, not being one rity of the members in the house of representatives, of the three highest supported by the people, was but only a majority of the states. excluded by the constitution, and, agreeable to the As our government is, in all other respects, a re-principles which I avowed to you, my support was presentative republic, where the voice of the people governs, there must be a manifest defect of the constitution in relation to the election of president. During the present congress, various resolutions have been submitted to the house of representatives, proposing amendment, but none has yet been adopted. That there is need for amendment to the constitution,

given to general Jackson, the next in your regard, as appeared by the electoral returns of my districthe, indeed, was my own choice; but I have always though it right and expedient that, in this case particularly, the representative should surrender his own private attachment for that of his constituents; and had Mr. Adains or Mr. Crawford been your fas

vorite, I should, most certainly, have supported eithered to Mr. Adams, Mr. Storrs, Mr. Craig, general Van of these gentlemen firmly and steadily.

My sincerest hope is, that the administration of Mr. Adams, during the term for which he is elected, will be prosperous and happy. Yet I cannot but declare, that I hope never again to see a president of the United States who is not the choice of the people, and trust soon to see the constitution so amended, as to preclude congress from any sort of interference in this matter, leaving its final decision where it ought to be-in the hands of the people.

Rensselaer, Mr. Morgan and P. Adams: the latter had
been professedly a warm and undeviating friend of
Mr. Jackson; he was by no means backward in boast-
ing of personal exertions in his favor. Confiding in
the professions and official integrity of any three
of these, it seemed impossible that Mr. Adams could
succeed."

"Subsequently to the rumours, and the determination of the western members to vote for Mr. A. I held conversations, incidentally, with three other of the Ohio members; two of whom observed that "it would never do to vote for Mr. Jackson, as he was an enemy to internal improvement." One of them said that, from an intimate friend of Mr. Jackson, he had learned that Mr. Jackson had constitutional scruples on that subject. By a third member of Ohio it was observed, that, when he was leaving his district, several of his friends gave him a parting charge that, whatever he might do, not to vote for Mr. Adams: he continued, by saying he should risque it, and that, at most, it would be but a nine day's wonder; and, as to voting to please his constituents, he felt no concern on that point: as a member of the state legislature, he had often voted against their express instruc tions, but found, in the end, he was more popular The observation, that, "elect whom we than ever. may, it will be but a nine day's wonder," was very frequently made by members: also, that the better sort of people were in favor of Mr. Adains."

"As early, perhaps, as the 16th January, perhaps sooner, it began to be rumored that Mr. Clay har gone over to Mr. Adams, and that a part of the Kentucky delegation had gone over with him; and that Mr. Clay was to get the office of secretary of state. Extract from the address of Mr. Gazlay, of Ohio. "At the commencement of the last session of con- The rumor also embraced Ohio, Missouri and Illinois. gress, the opinion prevailed, generally, that Mr. Jack-For myself, I was utterly unable to believe what I sen would be elected president by the house. This conceived at once so ridiculous and injurious to those opinion was not confined to a few, nor to men of charged with the dereliction. Most persons, with limited means of information, nor to the personal whom I conversed, were in the same temper of mind. friends of Mr. Jackson: It prevailed among men of From this period until the 25th, the numerous letall parties, and of the best information. Nor was the ters and declarations of respectable persons, made opinion confined to any particular section or division public, will abundantly prove the general unwillingof the union: It prevailed in the New England states, ness to give currency to these reports. The reasons as well as in the west, the north and the south. So were obvious which rendered it so difficult to give strong and so general, within my hearing, was this them currency.' opinion, that no one pretended publicly to say that any other candidate could succeed. The vote of Louisiana, a few days prior to the true account thereof, was reported in favor of Mr. Clay. This gave rise to various speculations opposed to the election of Mr. Jackson. They continued but a few days, and were put to rest by the true intelligence from that state. An opinion, so prevalent among a people, supposed to have no state secrets-whose communication with each other is direct and unrestrained, would not originate apart from all cause, or be thus long continued as a mere creation of the fancy. Men of the most calculating and solid minds, saw and felt the cause of its prevalence all saw it-it was the PUBLIC WILL ON which it rested; a foundation against which, it was supposed, no impious hands could or durst be raised. It was honorable to those who felt and acknowledged the influence and strength of that power, which, as the impress of a mighty spirit, had hitherto sustained and controled the destinies of the republic. The evidences of this will were the ninefy-nine electoral votes given to Mr. Jackson by TWELVE STATES, eleven of which gave an almost unanimous [From the Charleston City Gazette, May 13, 1825.) suffrage; and three others, viz: Ohio, Missouri and It is with no ordinary gratification we publish the Connecticut, had given decisive evidence that he was their second choice. If any doubt remained to a following replies to the question propounded in the fourth state, (Kentucky), it seemed to be effectually communication from a "Voter," in our paper of yesremoved by the vote of her legislature, requesting her terday. The inquiry was frank and respectful, and representatives in congress to vote for Mr. Jackson. it has been met with a corresponding feeling. The Those who had been educated to respect and regard gentlemen, therefore, whose names are submitted to the public will as the only source of legitimate power the public suffrage, holding no difference of sentiand distinction, and as the ark of public safety, were ment, on a very material point for the public concompelled to acknowledge that Mr. Jackson was fair-sideration, are now to rest their claims entirely on ly entitled to receive, and would receive, in the house, (being the only western candidate returned there), fourteen states out of the twenty-four. It was understood, as the only exception to the above, that North Carolina would vote, in the first instance, for Mr. Crawford. It was never understood that her vote, in any event, could be given to Mr. Adams; nor was it fairly presumable that her delegates in the house would finally persist against the unanimous will of the state, as expressed in the college of electors."

"It was not to the above facts alone, that opinions of the anticipated result were confined. Mr. Scott and Mr. Cook, from the state of Missouri and Illinois, were pledged to vote for Mr. Jackson, as the choice and will of their respective states. They had openly declared themselves in his favor. The west, it was supposed, would give an undivided suffrage. This may be considered as the state of things on the 15th of January. New York was divided: fourteen stood ⚫ for Mr. Crawford, five for Mr. Jackson, or, as oppos

individual merits. Such a contest, whilst honorable to themselves, will have the further advantage of avoiding that violence of conduct and feeling which, unfortunately, too much accompany a struggle for party supremacy.

Charleston, 12th May, 1825, Mr. Editor: You will oblige me by publishing the underwritten.

I am, sir, very respectfully, your obedient servant,

WM. DRAYTON.

As I consider every citizen entitled to information upon the political sentiments of a candidate for a seat in congress, in reply to the question proposed to me by "A Voter," in your paper of this morning, I unhesitatingly answer, that I am not "opposed to the president and his cabinet," neither should I "join the opposition to them in congress," from personal motives, in the event of my being elected a member of that body. After this declaration, that I may avoid the possibility of being misunderstood, I will avoil

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