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FROM THE WASHINGTON GAZETTE.
aggrandizement, but for the preservation of all and Demagogues, I am persuaded, have, in times past, every thing that was dear and valuable--the honor, done more injury to the cause of freedom, and the the safety and glory of our country! Does this con- rights of man, than ever did a military chieftain, and stitute the eharacter of “a military chieftain?” And in our country, at lcast, iu times of peace, should be are all our brave men in war, who go forth to de- much more feared. I have seen something of this in fend their rights and the rights of the country, to be my march through life: and have seen some men termed "military chieftains," and denounced there too, making the boldest professions, who were more for? If so, the tendency of such a doctrine may be, influenced by selfish views and considerations, than to arrest the ardor of useful and brave men in future ever they were by the workings of an honest contimes of need and peril; with me it will make no science. difference; for, my country at war, I would aid, assist I became a soldier for the good of my country; difand defend her, let the consequences to myself be ficulties met me at every step, but I thank God, it was what they might.
my good fortune to surmount them. I have, as you very well know, been charged, by The war over, and peace restored, I retired to my some of the designing politicians of this country, with farm to private life, where, but for the call I received taking bold and high-handed measures? but, as they to the senate of the union, I should have contentedly were not designed for any benefit to myself, I should remained. I have never sought office or power, nor not, under similar circumstances, refrain from a have I ever been willing to hold any post longer than course equally bold. That man, who, in times of I could be useful to my country, not myself, and I difficulty and danger, shall halt at any course neces- trust I never shall. If these things make me one, I am sary to maintain the rights and privileges, and inde- "a military chieftain.” pendence of his country, is unsuited to authority. And I am very respectfully, your obedient servant, if these opinions and sentiments shall entitle me tu (Signed)
AND'W, JACKSON. the name and character of a "military cheiftain," ] To Sam'l Swartwout, New York. am content so to be considered satisfied too, that Mr. Clay, if he pleases, shall give that as the reason, to the citizens of the west, why, in his opinion, I me
Mr. Kremer's Address. rited neither his nor their confidence.
Mr. Clay has never yet risked himself for his coun. To the electors of the ninth congressional district of the try. He has never sacrificed his repose, nor made
stute of Pennsylvania. an effort to repel an invading foe; of course, "his You are fully aware, fellow-citizens, of the occueconscience" assured him it was altogether wrong in rence which took place in the house of representaany other man to lead his countrymen to battle and tives, relative to certain charges against Nr. Clay, Fictory. He who fights, and fights successfully, must, contained in a letter of mine which was published in according to his standard, be held up as a "military the Columbian Observer, of Philadelphia. I need chieftain." Even Washington, could he appear not repeat the reasons which finally induced me to again among us, might be so considered, because he decline submitting to the jurisdiction of a committee dared to be a vírtuous and successful soldier-a cor- of the house of representatives, and of my prerect man, and an honest statesman. It is only when ference to appeal, through you, to the great tribunal overtaken by disaster and defeat, that any man is to of public opinion. I now propose to redeem the be considered a safe politician and a correct states pledge I have heretofore made, by establishing the man.
Truth of the allegations, contained in my letter, Defeat might, to be sure, have brought with it one against Henry Clay. And while, on the one hand, benefit, it might have enabled me to escape the no- I feel a deep sense of the responsibility under which tice and animadversions of Mr. Clay; but considering I act, I cannot but feel, at the same time, prom that, by an opposite result; my country has been foundly impressed with gratitude to an over-ruling somewhat benefited, I rather prefer it, even with the Providence, that it has fallen to my lot to be the opprobrium and censure which he seems disposed to humble instrument of exposing to the view of an inextend towards me. To him, thank God, I am in jured people, one of the most daring and dangerous no wise responsible. There is a purer tribunal to conspiracies against their rights and liberties that which I would, in preference, refer myself. To the has ever boen attempted since the foundation of this judgment of an enlightened, patriotic and uncor- government. rupted people. To that tribunal I would rather ap That you may the more distinctly perceive the peal, whence is derived whatever of reputation grounds upon which I proceeded in making up the either he or I may possess. By a reference there it opinion I expressed in the letter which appeared in will be ascertained that I did not solicit the office of the Columbian Observer, and which subsequent president; it was the frank and flattering call of the events have strengthened and confirmed, I will give freemen of this country, not mine, which placed my you a view of the actual position which Mr. Clay ocname before the nation. When they failed in their cupied in the presidential contest, in reference both colleges to make a choice, no one beheld me seeking, to his principles and personal predilection; and a through art or management, to entice any represen- brief history of his deportment here, from the meettative in congress, from a conscientious responsibility ing of congress until he published bis determination to his own, or the wishes of his constituents. No to support John Quincy Adams. And I will here midnight taper burnt by me; no secret conclaves take occasion to premise, that no person can reawere held, nor cabals entered into to persuade any sonably complain of the harshness or severity of the one to a violation of pledges given, or of instruction3 sentence of condemnation that shall be awarded received. By me, no plans were concerted to impair against him by his own avowed and acknowledged the pure principles of our republican institutions, principles; and yet such, you will perceive, is the por to prostrate that fundamental maxim which foundation of the judgment you are called upon to maintains the supremacy of the people's will. On pronounce against Mr. Clay. You may say to him, the contrary, having never in any manner, either be with strict propriety, "out of thine own mouth will I fore the people or congress, interferred, in the slight- condemn thee.in est degree, with the question, my conscience stands It is a political fact, and of general notoriety, that void of offence, and will go quietly with me, regard- Mr. Clay has uniformly and invariably recognized, Jess of the insinuations of those who, through ma- ever since he commenced his course in congress, as nagement, may seek an infuence not sanctioned by a fundamental principle, the right of the people to integrity and merit.
instruct their representatives, aud the correspond
ing obligation of the representative to obey; not only was to sacrifice the interests of the western stales to the instructions, but the known will of his constitu- the eastern fishing privileges. In addition to all this, ents, however ascertained. In a specch which he deli- Mr. Clay's pretended friends here, and those, too, vered, in the year 1817, on the proposition to repeal who have since joined him in voting for Mr. Adams, the celebrated compensation law, he used the follow- had admitted, that, in canvassing for Mr. Clay being words: “I care not how I ascertain the will of my fore the people of Kentucky, they had urged the ar* constituents, or what is the evidence of it; it is gument, that, if Mr. Clay was not presented to con: "sufficient for me that I know it. In all questions gress, as one of the three from whom a choice * of expediency, that will is the rule of my conduct.” should be made, Adams would certainly be elected. Such is the principle to which Mr. Clay declares his Thus holding up Mr. Adams as the most odious of all allegiance. It remains to be inquired, whether he the candidates, a sort of bug-bear, to frighten the has not violated that allegiance. 'As soon as it be- people into the support of Mr. Clay. All tnese facts came doubtful whether Mr. Clay would be returned are well known, and I challenge Mr. Clay to conto the house of representatives, as one of the three tradict them-a hundred witnesses would rise up to highest candidates for the presidency, the inquiry confront him if he should-his own "conscience, '* Taturally arose, who was the socond choice of those that flexible and delusive guide, which he "interron western states that had given him their electoral Gates," on all great occasions, even that would con'votes? Upon this question, I believe, there was no front him. difference of opinion--all admitted that Jackson In determining to support Mr. Adams, Mr. Clay would be preferred to either of the other candi- not only abandoned his constituents, and violated dates, by an overwhelmning majority. As to Ken- those fundamental principles by which he had adtucky, especially, there was no semblance of a doubt mitted himself to be bound to them, but he threw expressed. The gentlemen from that state admitted the whole weight of his influence in favor of the man that, in a contest with Mr. Adams before the people, denounced by him as peculiarly hostile to the integeneral Jackson would receive ten votes to his one. rest of the west, and of whose pretensions to the presi. in confirmation of this opinion, the legislature of dency he had spoken, in all places and upon all occathat state, by a vote almost seven to one, had passed sions, in language of contempt. resolutions instructing their representatives in con Having thus shown the position occupied by Mr. gress, to vote for general Jackson. Those who op- Clay, in the presidential election, as regards both posed these resolutions in the Kentucky legislature, his avowed political principles and his avowed per acted upon the avowed ground, that the opinion of the litical antipathies, I shall proceed to give you a people of Kentucky was so notoriously in favor of brief history of his deportment here since the meetgeneral Jackson, that such instructions were un- ing of congress--so far as that deportment is calcunecessary; and that it was a reflection on the prin- lated to explain the transaction, which is the subciples and integrity of their members here to sup-ject of this communication. But here let me prepose, for a moment, that they would yote against mise, that candor and openness had marked, in a pe
culiar manner, the character and deportment of the All accounts concurred, and still concur, in estab- members from the west--and nono more so than Mr. Jishing this to be the general sentiment of the west- Clay. ern states. Neither Mr. Clay nor his friends have Upon this occasion, however, he enveloped himventured to deny it: the fact is incontrovertable. self in profound mystery from the beginning of the What, then, is the position which Mr. Clay occupied, session until the 24th of January, when, all at once, in the presidential contest, in reference to his avow- it was announced that five western states had den ed pripciples. He was a representative from Ken- termined to vote for Mr. Adams, and that he would tucky, and constitutionally bound, by principle, to be elected and Mr. Clay be secretary of state. The vote in consormity with the will of his constituents; question naturally suggested itself, Why this strange and yet, knowing that the wishes, not only of his own reserve and mystery on the part of Mr. Clay? The constituents, but of almost all those who supported presidential election had been long before the nation him in the west, were in favor of general Jackson, the three prominent candidates had been as long and in a peculiar manner against Mr. Adams, he known to him—the state of public opinion in relapursued a course in direct opposition to those wishes. tion to them was also known to him. What then He sinned against light and knowledge, and stands was it that he desired further to know, before he self-condemned by his own principles. He has not made up his opinion as to the course he should puronly violated what I believe, but what he has so- sue? The very fact of his holding back his opinion, lemnly admitted, to be the principles of the constitu- when it was evident that so much depended upon his tion and the rights of the people. But what was the course, gave just ground to suspect that he was waitposition he occupied as regards his personal predilec- ing to see whether he could not make some political tions? It is notorious, that, through the whole of arrangements that would serve to promote his prethe canvass for the presidency, until some time after sent and future elevation. But the conduct pursued the meeting of congress, Mr. Clay assumed a posi- by Mr. Clay, in relation to his friends, was still more tion of peculiar and decided hostility to the election strongly calculated to create this unfavorable imof Mr. Adams. For the last eight years he had pression as to his motives. spoken of him, not only in terms of disrespect, but It was known that some of those friends, who afeven of contempt and ridicule. At the commence-terwards voted for Adams, when they first came to ment of Mr. Monroe's administration, he had fixed Washington, yielding to the will of their constituents, an envious eye upon the state department, as is be- and the natural inclination of their own minds, had Jieved and known by many, then in public life: That declared they would vote for gen. Jackson, in preferappointment, however, could not be obtained; but once to Mr. Adams. It was also circulated, and will the department of war was offered to him, which he not be denied, that Mr. Clay had put a check upon declined accepting, and has frequently given, as a this disposition of his friends to come out frankly reason for so doing, that he could not serve under an with their sentiments, and prevailed upon such of apostate federalist.
them, as he could control, (those who finally voted In the course of the canvass, pamphlets and es- for Adams), to remain uncommitted. What, I ask, says, of great labor and ability, have been published could have been the motive of Mr. Clay, in persuadby his friends in Kentucky, with a view to expose ing his friends to remain uncommitted? Without the conduct of Mr. Adams in the negotiations at the disclosures which time has since made, was it not Ghent, and to prove the tendency of that conduct patural that such conduct should excite strong susu
Picions as to his views and motives? But he did not him, at this moment, as to the disposition of Kenstop here: after he had made firm this first position stucky, he, for the first time, seemed to hesitate, and obof his, by inducing his friends to remain uncommit- served *that Kentucky is not dead yet;" alluding, (as I ted, he ventured upon another adrance, and prevailed understood), to Mr. Clay's exclusion from the house; upon them to come to the preliminary agreement that adding, "that we yet hold the balance in our hands. they would all go together, before they should deter- " That, if Jackson should be elected, it is said Adams mine on the candidate they would finally support. " will remain secretary of state; and, in that case, noNothing could be more artful, nothing more charac- "thing could be done for Kentucky; and we wish to teristic, of the designs which were soon after de- "know, if we aid in electing Jackson, what the friends veloped, than this management on the part of Mr." of Jackson will do for Kentucky.” A member of Clay. By prevailing on a majority of the representa congress, from Tennessee, came up at this moment, tives of five western states to agree that they would and, though he did not hear all the conversation, yet
go together, two important points were accom- well remembers the concluding remark made by Nir. plished. In the first place it gave their representa- Johnson. tives a sort of artificial courage to go in opposition to Both of us replied to him, in substance, that Jackthe will of their constituents. So important was it, son's friends could give no pledgos; that he must be in this point of view, that it is an undoubted fact, that elected on principle, or not at all. I added that Kenone, at least, of the western members, (the sole reprc- tucky would be rewarded by the honor of having aidsentative of a state), was induced to vote for Mr. Jed to elevate the choice of the nation to the presidenAdams by this consideration alone, according to his tial chair. own declaration, and contrary to his previous deter
Here let it be borne in mind, that persons disposed mination to vote for general Jackson. In the second to practice such an outrage, would not themselves place, this preliminary determination of the friends of consent to be seen in it. Mr. Clay would, of course, Mr. Clay, that they would go together, demonstrated seek, rather through his friends than by bimself, to to the competing candidates, the extent of the power feel, and sist, and ascertain, in the most distant and which was in the hands of Mr. Clay; and taken in con- private manner, what could be done at such a time Dection with the fact, that they remained uncommit- and under such circumstances: The conduct and acted, almost amounted to an invitation to corre and tions of his intimate friends are to be considered illusmake a bid. What other possible motive could Mr. trative of bis own views and wishes, because a subClay have in bringing his friends to that determina-ject in which his political sagacity might, perhaps, tion?
have a tendency to restrain him. If this argument is properly examined and analiz A very active friend of Mr. Clay's did, in sube ed, it will be found pregnant with inferences, illus- stance, say to a friend of gen. Jackson's, that “Mr. trative of the conduct and motives of Mr. Clay. But," Clay could expect nothing from the administration in order that it may be more fully understood, I will" of Jackson; for, if elected, there was po doubt Deadvert, for a moment, to another piece of evidence, “witt Clinton and Calhoun would be his principal adwhich naturally falls into this pari of my narrative." visers." Mr. Storrs, of New York, also the devoted After the close of the last session of congress, some friend of Mr. Clay, previously to the cousummation of the friends of Mr. Clay, no doubt with his know- of the arrangement, by which Clay's friends were to ledge and approbation, published in the National In- support Adams, was the decided advocate of Jackson telligencer, an address, in which they declare their and violently opposed to Adams: repeatedly, within determination "to adhere to him to the end, under all the hearing of members, he declared his determina"circumstances,” urging his friends throughout the tion, under no circumstances, to vote for Adams. union to adhere firmly together, stating, as an induce. He, on one occasion, observed, that "it was not posment'for such adherence, “that, if they could not elect" sible for Mr. Adams to obtain the vote of New York, “him, they could, by acting together, control the unless the friends of Crawford should vote for him; "event." The fact is undoubted, that some of his " but," added he, “let them do it if they dare:” let, friends in congress have declared that they would as soon as Mr. Clay made his arrangements to supkold the balance in their hands, and could thereby port Mr. Adams, Mr. Storrs changed his ground and " control the arrangements of the new administra- became an active partizan in the same cause. Mr. " tion." Take these circumstances in connection Scott, of Missouri, was known to be openly and dewith the agreement made by the five western states to cidedly opposed to Mr. Adams. After it was rego together, and what is the unavoidable inference? ported that Clay had induced certain states to join What does that agreement imply, but that the parties in the support of Mr. Adams, Mr. Scott stated to te it were actuated by some common motive and two of the friends of Jackson, that "it was reports common impulse? What this common motive and “ed that Clay and his friends had held a meeting and common impulse were, will be obvious, by consider-“ determined on supporting Adams; that he did not ing who they were that made the arrangement. It was “ believe it; but if they had, without letting him know the friends of Mr. Clay that entered into the compact. " it, he would be dd if he would not kick up; Mr. Clay was the only connecting link which united “that he was one of Clay's best friends; but that he them; and it was Mr. Clay that prevailed upon them “would not be sold like a sheep in the shambles; to come to the understanding. In the midst of all that he was neither to be bargained for nor sold; these circumstances, so well calculated to excite“ that he would vote for whom he pleased; that he alarming suspicions in my mind, that there was " was more friendly to Jackson than to Adams; and something "rotten in the state of Denmark," I was" that, Clay out of the way, his people were in favor warned, by a member of the house of representatives, " of Jackson."* that the friends of Adams had made overtures to But, independent of this evidence in support of the those of Clay, proposing to make Clay secretary of declarations contained in my letter, the appointment state, if they would aid in the election of Adams; and of secretary of state has actually been offered to Mr. that we were in great danger of being defeated in the Clay, and he has had the extraordinary boldness to election of Jackson, unless we would consent to fight brave public opinion by accepting the offer. "Whom them with their own weapons. I soon after met Mr. God intends to destroy He first deprives of underFrancis Johnson, of Ken. the intimate and confiden- standing.” Surely Mr. Clay must have been compeltial friend of Mr. Clay, who had previously often told led by some fatal madness to take this step, which me that Jackson was his choice next to Clay, apd on one occasion bad assured me, that Kentucky would *I have certificates in my possession to prove all Conc out strong for Jackson.' Upon my inquiring of these statements.
lays open the motives of his conduct, and gives the "donment of duty to his constituents, it was said and seal of truth to the charges I have made against him."believed, should this unholy coalition prevail, Clay Not only by his own words, but by his own acts, does "was to be appointed secretary of state." This time he stand convicted. It is a maiter well worthy of has verified, to the very letter. He has been offered consideration, whether it is not against the spirit of the appointment of secretary of state, and has agreed the constitution, for any member of congress to accept to accept it. It would, therefore, now be regardod as an appointment under a president for whom he has affected squeamishness jo me, were I to say "it is voted. But whatever doubt may be entertained upon believed” that the appointment of secretary of state this question, there can be none, that any high mind is the consideration given for the support rendered ed and honorable man, if placed in the situation and by Mr. Clay to Mr. Adams. I entertain no doubt circumstances of Mr. Clay, would not only have upon the subject; and, if it constituted a punishable promptly refused the appointment, but would have offence, I believe the evidence would be sufficient to shrunk from it as from the contact of pollution. produce a conviction before any impartial jury in the
There is demonstration in the very statement of the United States. case. What is it? Mr. Clay, always avowing that But, fellow-citizens, I am not satisfied with proving the popular will imposed a constitutional obligation merely the specific charges contained in my letter; I of obedience upon the representative, and standing am desirous of convincing you, that the strong terms forth, on all occasions, as the champion of the inte- of reprobation in which I spoke of the course of conrests of the west, after nearly two months of dubious duct of the coalition, were not like those used in his silence and mysterious concealment, on the presiden- very celebrated "card;" but is the language of a patial election, with other circumstances, indicati that triot, shocked at the corruption of the times, and at he was waiting for a political bargain or arrangement, the degradation of his country. When I expressed and after every advance made to the friends of gen. the opinion, that men, professing democracy, had Jackson had been rejected, prevails upon the repre- been found base enough to lay the axe to the very sentatives, not only of his own state, but of four other root of the tree of liberty; that a bargain had taken western states, against the known and admitted will place, such as could be only equalled by the famous of their constituents, to give their support to Mr. Burr conspiracy, of 1801, I stated what I had wel conAdams, of whose political capacity he had habitually sidered, and am now fully prepared to demonstrate. spoken with contempt, and whom he bad denounced I did not use courtly phrases; for, if I had possessed as being more adverse to the interests of the west than the most unlimited command of them, I should have any other candidate: And, as a consummation of this disdained to use them on such an occasion. I conmost unnatural coalition, and in violation of every sen-sidered it no time to crimp and starch my phraseotiment of delicacy, Mr. Clay accepts of the office of logy, when the fundamental principles of the constiprime inipister, under the man whom he had actually tution were about to be violated, and the will of the madle president. Yes, my fellow-citizens, it is a me-nation contemned, despised and defeated. I felt then, Jancholy fact, that Mr. Clay has made Mr. Adams fellow-citizens, as I am sure you now feel, because I president, in direct opposition to the known will of then foresaw what has since been realized. And the American people an act of daring and despe- what is it? An an act of usurpation, (regarding the rate usurpation, which is only exceeded by the yicld- spirit and principles of the constitution), more daring compliance with which he receives the reward of ing and atrocious than that which was attempted by this treachery to his own principles and abandonment Aaron Burr, and which has consigned his name to in of duty to his constituents.
famy. What are the conceded and undisputed facts Recurring to the specific charges of my letter, have of the case? I not redeemed my pledges, and made them good? I If Mr. Clay had not been a candidate-if he had not stated that "Henry Clay had transferred his interest divided and distracted the west-general Jackson, to "10 John Quincy Adams.” Has not time disclosed say the least, would have received the electoral votes the reality? Can any human being, acquainted with of Ohio, Kentucky and Missouri, thirty-three in numthe circumstances, doubt that it was by the agency of ber, making his entire vote one hundred and thirtyMr. Clay, and by that alone, that the members of five two, being one more than a majority of the whole western states were induced, contrary to the wishes of number. It is thus incontrovertable, that a majority their constituents, to vote for Mr. Adams: There is of the people of the United States, and the people no part of the union where the people maintain the of fourteen states, out of twenty-four, which comright to instruct their representatives, even in matters posed the union, preferred general Jackson, not only of legislation, with more jealous inflexibility, than in to Mr. Adams, but to either Mr. Crawford or Mr. the western states. The doctrine is regarded as 80 Adams; and that Mr. Clay, with no possible hope of sound, that no representative ever thinks of question- success, was afowedly the instrument of preventing ing it. And I will venture to say, there is not a an election, by the people, and of bringing the quesmember now in congress from the west, who has not tion into the house of representatives. This fact repeatedly avowed it. Can it be believed then, that cannot be too deeply impressed. The fact is no less some twenty or thirty of the repr entatives of such true, that, in a single contest with Mr. Adams before a people, holding such prineiples, would have thought the people of the United States, general Jackson would for a moment of voting for Mr. Adams who was known have obtained, at least, two-thirds of the electoral to be odious to the western people, and against Jack votes, and the vote of more than two-thirds of the son, who was known to be their decided choice, if it states composing the union. With these palpable had not been for the influence of Henry Clay? The and undeniable facts staring him in the face, and thing is incredible. No, fellow citizens, Mr. Clay a full knowledge that he had already prevented has to answer for the double sin of defeating the will the will of the nation from being carried into effect, of his constituents, and of sacrificing his friends at the Mr. Clay induced a majority of the representatives shrine of his own unchastened ambition. He wil of five states, against the known will of the people of fully and artfully prevailed upon them to act as a those states, the known will of two-thirds of the peoparty, acknowledging him as the head, and regard-ple of the United States, and more than two-thirds of ing his promotion as the primary object; and then, by ihc states, to vote for John Quincy Adams. Is not his insidious devices, deluding them into the belief, this violating the sovereignty of the people; prostitutthat the accomplishment of this party end, (his own ing the highest offcial emblem of thai sovereignty, elevation), was a justifiable motive of political ac- and laying the axe at the very root of the tree of libertion.
ty? What was there in the famous Burr conspiracy I also stated that, as a consideration for this aban. I to equal the daring atrocity of this? In the case of
Burr, it was not pretended that, in congress, more than respecting, “Mr. Kremer's card” to a committee, I two states voted against the will of their constituents. heard Mr. Kremer declare, at the fire-place, in the But, in this case, the representatives of five states, to lobby of the house of representatives, in a manner and say nothing of Maryland, voted evidently against the language which I believed sincere, that he never inwill of their constituents. In the case of Burr, he tended to charge Mr. Clay with corruption or diswas sustained by party feelings, and a majority of the honor, in his intended vote for Mr. Adams as presimembers who voted for him went in accordance with dent, or that he had transferred, or could transfer, the states they represented. In this case, there was the votes or interest of bis friends; that he, (Mr. no party feeling to which Mr. Clay's apposition to Kremer), was amongst the last men in the nation to general Jackson could be ascribed; and we must, make such a charge against Mr. Clay; and that his, therefore, set it down to his own selfish and ambitious (Mr. Kremer's), letter pever was intended to conveg views, which he has suffered to prevail over the will the ideas given to it. The substance of the above of the people, and the honor and happiness and tran- conversation I immediately communicated to Mr. quility of the nation. It cannot be disguised that Buchanan and Mr. Hemphill, of Pennsylvania, and Mr. Clay was principally governed by the calculation, Mr. Dwight, of Massachusetts, of the house of reprethat, if general Jackson should be now elected, his sentatives.
WM. BRENT, of Lou. own prospects, as a western candidate, would be di February 25, 1825. minished; but that the election of Mr Adams, through
I was present, and heard the observations, as above his support, would secure him the position of "heir stated, in a conversation between Mr. Brent and Mr. apparent,” in the office of secretary of state, and the
PETER LITTLE, of Md. future support of Mr. Adams's friends in New England. These selfish and ambitious calculations were,
Mr. Digges, who was present when the conversation no doubt, the basis of this unnatural, this "unholy referred to took place, has affirmed the truth of Mr. coalition," between Adams and Clay. You are, there- Brent's statement, as follows: fore, called upon, by every consideration that can in In the National Journal, I perceive my name merHuence freemen, to disappoint these base calcula- tioned, as to a conversation which took place in the tions and vindicate your violated rights ard tarnished lobby of the house of representatives, between Mr. sovereignty, by discarding from your confidence the Brent of Louisiana, and Mr. Kremer, and I feel no parties to this conspiracy. By the reverence and feel hesitation in saying that Mr. Brent's statement, in the ings which you owe to the principles of the constitu- paper of this day, is substantially correct. tion-by your love of that liberty which was purchased
WILLIAM DCDLEY DIGEES, . and consecrated by the blood of your revolutionary March 1, 1825. ancestors--by the detestation with which you contemplate corrupt coalitions between political intri
TO THE PUBLIC. guers-by the indignation you must feel for your It seems pretty well agreed here on all hands, that wrongs, and the regard you must feel for posterity Mr. George Kremer is not the writer of the address you are solemnly invoked to exterminate this sin from "To the electors of the 9th congressional district of the ihe land, by making an awful example of the perpe- state of Pennsylvania," which appeared in the Washitrators of the horrid deed. But let this be done in a lington City Gazette, of the 28th February, 1825, manner that will, at the same time, vindicate your though it bears bis signature. rights and maintain your dignity. Pay respect to the My name has been unceremoniously introduced in existing authorities, that good may be drawn out of it, imputing to me what I could not have said, for the evil. Do not follow the example set you, of violating purpose, if possible, of giving sone color to the the spirit of the constitution; but let your resolve be as slanderous and unfounded imputations against Mr. fixed and unalterable as it is dignified and temperate: Clay, and also for the purpose of implicating me i: That, as your rights have been violated, and the sin the alleged intrigues--impeaching the consistency of of ingratitude fixed upon us in the person of Andrew my conduct, and thereby to expose me, as guided by Jackson, in his person will you vindicate those rights, no other motive in the volc I gave fordir. Adams, bút and, by his elevation, wipe out that stain of foul in the seeking an office for Mr. Clay. gratitude. Do not give your sanction to Mr. Clay's While I disclaim allcontroversy with Mr. Bremer, denunciation of general Jackson as "a military chief- I will be allowed to vindicate myself, and to dcclaró taio," but let him known that the hero who saves the that Mr. Clay is in no manner responsible for anything republic should not thereby incur the ban of pro- that I may harc said, or that may be ascribed to me-scription; and that there is yet virtue enough among that, if I have, under the supposition of Mr. Kremer's you to prefer the unsuspected purity and unbending being av honest, though a vain man, been so unfortuintegrity of a patriot, hero and statesman, to the nate as, at any time, io have listened to the ctfusions doubtful morality and desperate adventure of a “poli- of his vanity or his zeal in behalf of general Jackson, tical gambler.”
that myself, and not Mr. Clay, is entitied to bear the All that I have done in this business, has been donc consequences. And, if that production could be under a firm belief that my duty to you and my couo- considered as eminating from Mr. Kremcr alone, and iry required it at my hands. With feelings of gra- was intended only for the consumption of his own situde for the many marks of confidence you have so constituents, I should take no notice of it; I should frequently evidenced towards mc, 1 remain your fel- not interfere to dissuade them from giving the fulle:: low-citizen,
G. KREMER. credit to any and to every thing which his credulity, IVashington, February 25, 1825.
operated upon by designing men, might induce him to
believe, or his malice might prompt him to say. Buil MR. BRCNT'S STATEMENT.
it need not be disguised, that my humblo sell has, in
some degree incurred the displeasure of some of the It appears that, previous to the publication of the friends of general Jackson, for having thought it iny
annexed statement, a copy of it was sent to Mr. duty to vote for Mr. Adams; and confident and boasted kremer, by Mr. Brent, with a request that he predictions of my political downfall bave displayed would examine it, and, if he discovered any inac-ihe character of the revenge they liope for; and to curacies, suggest such alteracions as he should effect this end, may be one cause why my name has deem necessary.]
been selected, and thus connected with, and involved I state, without hesitation, that on the day on which in, the foul charges against Mr. Clay. the debate took place in the house of representatives, It will be admitted, that many of general Jackson's on tho proposition to refer Mr. Clay's communication friends spoke to me about the election, and urged va
FROM THE NATIONAL JOURNAL.