Picions as to his views and motives? But he did not him, at this momemt, as to the disposition of Kenstop here: after he had made firm this first position tucky, he, for the first time, seemed to hesitate, and obof his, by inducing his friends to remain uncommit served "that Kentucky is not dead yet;" alluding, (as I ted, he ventured upon another advance, and prevailed understood), to Mr. Clay's exclusion from the house; upon them to come to the preliminary agreement that adding, "that we yet hold the balance in our hands. they would all go together, before they should deter-"That, if Jackson should be elected, it is said Adams mine on the candidate they would finally support."will remain secretary of state; and, in that case, nothing could be done for Kentucky; and we wish to Nothing could be more artful, nothing more charac-" teristic, of the designs which were soon after de-"know, if we aid in electing Jackson, what the friends veloped, than this management on the part of Mr." of Jackson will do for Kentucky." A member of Clay. By prevailing on a majority of the representa congress, from Tennessee, came up at this moment, tives of five western states to agree that they would and, though he did not hear all the conversation, yet all go together, two important points were accom- well remembers the concluding remark made by Mr. plished. In the first place it gave their representa-Johnson. Both of us replied to him, in substance, that Jacktives a sort of artificial courage to go in opposition to the will of their constituents. So important was it, son's friends could give no pledges; that he must be in this point of view, that it is an undoubted fact, that elected on principle, or not at all. I added that Kenone, at least, of the western members, (the sole reprc-tucky would be rewarded by the honor of having aidsentative of a state), was induced to vote for Mr. ed to elevate the choice of the nation to the presidenAdams by this consideration alone, according to his tial chair. Here let it be borne in mind, that persons disposed own declaration, and contrary to his previous determination to vote for general Jackson. In the second to practice such an outrage, would not themselves place, this preliminary determination of the friends of consent to be seen in it. Mr. Clay would, of course, Mr. Clay, that they would go together, demonstrated seek, rather through his friends than by himself, to to the competing candidates, the extent of the power feel, and sift, and ascertain, in the most distant and which was in the hands of Mr. Clay; and taken in con- private manner, what could be done at such a time pection with the fact, that they remained uncommit-and under such circumstances: The conduct and acted, almost amounted to an invitation to come and tions of his intimate friends are to be considered illusmake a bid. What other possible motive could Mr.trative of his own views and wishes, because a subClay have in bringing his friends to that determina-ject in which his political sagacity might, perhaps, have a tendency to restrain him. tion?

A very active friend of Mr. Clay's did, in subIf this argument is properly examined and analized, it will be found pregnant with inferences, illus-stance, say to a friend of gen. Jackson's, that "Mr. "Clay could expect nothing from the administration trative of the conduct and motives of Mr. Clay. But, in order that it may be more fully understood, I will" of Jackson; for, if elected, there was no doubt Deadvert, for a moment, to another piece of evidence," witt Clinton and Calhoun would be his principal ad"visers." Mr. Storrs, of New York, also the devoted which naturally falls into this part of my narrative. After the close of the last session of congress, some friend of Mr. Clay, previously to the cousummation of the friends of Mr. Clay, no doubt with his know- of the arrangement, by which Clay's friends were to ledge and approbation, published in the National In- support Adams, was the decided advocate of Jackson telligencer, an address, in which they declare their and violently opposed to Adams: repeatedly, within determination "to adhere to him to the end, under all the hearing of members, he declared his determina"circumstances," urging his friends throughout the tion, under no circumstances, to vote for Adams. union to adhere firmly together, stating, as an induce-He, on one occasion, observed, that "it was not posment for such adherence, "that, if they could not elect "sible for Mr. Adams to obtain the vote of New York, "him, they could, by acting together, control the "unless the friends of Crawford should vote for him; "event." The fact is undoubted, that some of his" but," added he, "let them do it if they dare:" Yet, Mr. friends in congress have declared "that they would as soon as Mr. Clay made his arrangements to supkold the balance in their hands, and could thereby port Mr. Adams, Mr. Storrs changed his ground and "control the arrangements of the new administra- became an active partizan in the same cause. "tion." Take these circumstances in connection Scott, of Missouri, was known to be openly and dewith the agreement made by the five western states to cidedly opposed to Mr. Adams. After it was rego together, and what is the unavoidable inference? ported that Clay had induced certain states to join What does that agreement imply, but that the parties in the support of Mr. Adams, Mr. Scott stated to to it were actuated by some common motive and two of the friends of Jackson, that "it was reportcommon impulse? What this common motive and "ed that Clay and his friends had held a meeting and common impulse were, will be obvious, by consider-" determined on supporting Adams; that he did not "believe it; but if they had, without letting him know -d if he would not kick up; ing who they were that made the arrangement. It was the friends of Mr. Clay that entered into the compact.it, he would be dMr. Clay was the only connecting link which united" that he was one of Clay's best friends; but that he them; and it was Mr. Clay that prevailed upon them" would not be sold like a sheep in the shambles; to come to the understanding. In the midst of all "that he was neither to be bargained for nor sold; these circumstances, so well calculated to excite" that he would vote for whom he pleased; that he alarining suspicions in my mind, that there was" was more friendly to Jackson than to Adams; and "that, Clay out of the way, his people were in favor something "rotten in the state of Denmark," I was warned, by a member of the house of representatives," of Jackson."* that the friends of Adams had made overtures to those of Clay, proposing to make Clay secretary of state, if they would aid in the election of Adams; and that we were in great danger of being defeated in the election of Jackson, unless we would consent to fight them with their own weapons. I soon after met Mr. Francis Johnson, of Ken. the intimate and confidential friend of Mr. Clay, who had previously often told me that Jackson was his choice next to Clay, and on one occasion had assured me, that Kentucky would come out strong for Jackson. Upon my inquiring of

But, independent of this evidence in support of the declarations contained in my letter, the appointment of secretary of state has actually been offered to Mr. Clay, and he has had the extraordinary boldness to brave public opinion by accepting the offer. "Whom God intends to destroy He first deprives of understanding." Surely Mr. Clay must have been compelled by some fatal madness to take this step, which

*I have certificates in my possession to prove all these statements.

lays open the motives of his conduct, and gives the seal of truth to the charges I have made against him. Not only by his own words, but by his own acts, does he stand convicted. It is a matter well worthy of consideration, whether it is not against the spirit of the constitution, for any member of congress to accept an appointment under a president for whom he has voted. But whatever doubt may be entertained upon this question, there can be none, that any high minded and honorable man, if placed in the situation and circumstances of Mr. Clay, would not only have promptly refused the appointment, but would have shrunk from it as from the contact of pollution.

"donment of duty to his constituents, it was said and "believed, should this unholy coalition prevail, Clay "was to be appointed secretary of state." This time has verified, to the very letter. He has been offered the appointment of secretary of state, and has agreed to accept it. It would, therefore, now be regarded as affected squeamishness in me, were I to say "it is believed" that the appointment of secretary of state is the consideration given for the support rendered by Mr. Clay to Mr. Adams. I entertain no doubt upon the subject; and, if it constituted a punishable offence, I believe the evidence would be sufficient to produce a conviction before any impartial jury in the United States.

There is demonstration in the very statement of the case. What is it? Mr. Clay, always avowing that But, fellow-citizens, I am not satisfied with proving the popular will imposed a constitutional obligation merely the specific charges contained in my letter; I of obedience upon the representative, and standing am desirous of convincing you, that the strong terms forth, on all occasions, as the champion of the inte- of reprobation in which I spoke of the course of conrests of the west, after nearly two months of dubious duct of the coalition, were not like those used in his silence and mysterious concealment, on the presiden- very celebrated "card;" but is the language of a patial election, with other circumstances, indicating that triot, shocked at the corruption of the times, and at he was waiting for a political bargain or arrangement, the degradation of his country. When I expressed and after every advance made to the friends of gen. the opinion, that men, professing democracy, had Jackson had been rejected, prevails upon the repre- been found base enough to lay the axe to the very sentatives, not only of his own state, but of four other root of the tree of liberty; that a bargain had taken western states, against the known and admitted will place, such as could be only equalled by the famous of their constituents, to give their support to Mr. Burr conspiracy, of 1801, I stated what I had weil conAdams, of whose political capacity he had habitually sidered, and am now fully prepared to demonstrate. spoken with contempt, and whom he had denounced I did not use courtly phrases; for, if I had possessed as being more adverse to the interests of the west than the most unlimited command of them, I should have any other candidate: And, as a consummation of this disdained to use them on such an occasion. I conmost unnatural coalition, and in violation of every sen- sidered it no time to crimp and starch my phraseotiment of delicacy, Mr. Clay accepts of the office of logy, when the fundamental principles of the constiprime minister, under the man whom he had actually tution were about to be violated, and the will of the made president. Yes, my fellow-citizens, it is a me-nation contemned, despised and defeated. I felt then, lancholy fact, that Mr. Clay has made Mr. Adams fellow-citizens, as I am sure you now feel, because ĺ president, in direct opposition to the known will of then foresaw what has since been realized. And the American people-an act of daring and despe- what is it? An an act of usurpation, (regarding the rate usurpation, which is only exceeded by the yield- spirit and principles of the constitution), more daring compliance with which he receives the reward of ing and atrocious than that which was attempted by this treachery to his own principles and abandonment Aaron Burr, and which has consigned his name to inof duty to his constituents. famy. What are the conceded and undisputed facts of the case?

Recurring to the specific charges of my letter, have I not redeemed my pledges, and made them good? I If Mr. Clay had not been a candidate-if he had not stated that "Henry Clay had transferred his interest divided and distracted the west-general Jackson, to "to John Quincy Adams." Has not time disclosed say the least, would have received the electoral votes the reality? Can any human being, aequainted with of Ohio, Kentucky and Missouri, thirty-three in numthe circumstances, doubt that it was by the agency of ber, making his entire vote one hundred and thirtyMr. Clay, and by that alone, that the members of five two, being one more than a majority of the whole western states were induced, contrary to the wishes of number. It is thus incontrovertable, that a majority their constituents, to vote for Mr. Adams? There is of the people of the United States, and the people no part of the union where the people maintain the of fourteen states, out of twenty-four, which comright to instruct their representatives, even in matters posed the union, preferred general Jackson, not only of legislation, with more jealous inflexibility, than in to Mr. Adams, but to either Mr. Crawford or Mr. the western states. The doctrine is regarded as so Adams; and that Mr. Clay, with no possible hope of sound, that no representative ever thinks of question- success, was avowedly the instrument of preventing ing it. And I will venture to say, there is not a an election, by the people, and of bringing the quesmember now in congress from the west, who has not tion into the house of representatives. This fact repeatedly avowed it. Can it be believed then, that cannot be too deeply impressed. The fact is no less some twenty or thirty of the representatives of such true, that, in a single contest with Mr. Adams before a people, holding such prineiples, would have thought the people of the United States, general Jackson would for a moment of voting for Mr. Adams who was known have obtained, at least, two-thirds of the electoral to be odious to the western people, and against Jack votes, and the vote of more than two-thirds of the son, who was known to be their decided choice, if it states composing the union. With these palpable had not been for the influence of Henry Clay? The and undeniable facts staring him in the face, and thing is incredible. No, fellow citizens, Mr. Clay a full knowledge that he had already prevented has to answer for the double sin of defeating the will the will of the nation from being carried into effect, of his constituents, and of sacrificing his friends at the Mr. Clay induced a majority of the representatives shrine of his own unchastened ambition. He wil- of five states, against the known will of the people of fully and artfully prevailed upon them to act as a those states, the known will of two-thirds of the peoparty, acknowledging him as the head, and regard-ple of the United States, and more than two-thirds of ing his promotion as the primary object; and then, by the states, to vote for John Quincy Adams. Is not his insidious devices, deluding them into the belief, this violating the sovereignty of the people; prostitut that the accomplishment of this party end, (his owning the highest official emblem of that sovereignty, elevation), was a justifiable motive of political ac- and laying the axe at the very root of the tree of liberty? What was there in the famous Burr conspiracy to equal the daring atrocity of this? In the case of

tion.

I also stated "that, as a consideration for this aban

respecting, "Mr. Kremer's card" to a committee, I
heard Mr. Kremer declare, at the fire-place, in the
lobby of the house of representatives, in a manner and
language which I believed sincere, that he never in-
tended to charge Mr. Clay with corruption or dis-
honor, in his intended vote for Mr. Adams as presi-
dent, or that he had transferred, or could transfer,
the votes or interest of his friends; that he, (Mr.
Kremer), was amongst the last men in the nation to
make such a charge against Mr. Clay; and that his,
(Mr. Kremer's), letter never was intended to convey
the ideas given to it. The substance, of the above
conversation I immediately communicated to Mr.
Buchanan and Mr. Hemphill, of Pennsylvania, and
Mr. Dwight, of Massachusetts, of the house of repre-
sentatives.
WM. BRENT, of Lou.
February 25, 1825.

I was present, and heard the observations, as above stated, in a conversation between Mr. Brent and Mr. PETER LITTLE, of Md.

Kremer.

All that I have done in this business, has been done under a firm belief that my duty to you and my country required it at my hands. With feelings of grajitude for the many marks of confidence you have so frequently evidenced towards me, I remain your fel-not interfere to dissuade them from giving the fullest low-citizen, G. KREMER.

rious arguments why Kentucky ought to support their now forgotten, tending to the conclusiveness of hig candidate. The importunities at times of some, in-views. This Mr Sanford had, on the same morning, duced me to speak what I felt, when it was especially previous to my having the conversation with Mr. Kreurged that Kentucky ought to support the general; mer abovementioned, (I think it was the same mornnamely, that I knew of no reason why Kentucky ing, but cannot be certain), met me in the lobby of should support him; that she was just as free to select the house of representatives, and accosted me very as any other state; and, in my opinion, she had nothing smilingly, and said, "I am very much obliged to the to expect from him, more than the others; and at legislature of Kentucky, for instructing you all to vote some times gave my reasons for that opinion; and, for the general;" and I think, though I will not be to show the fallacy of the idea, that he entertained positive, added nearly the same words presently after any partialities for Kentucky, I adverted to the gene- used by Mr. Kremer, that he could now meet us as ral order he published after the battle of New-Orleans, brothers. The reply I made him, he is at liberty to in which he had cast the unmerited stigma of cow- tell, provided he does not do as has been done with ardice on the Kentuckians; and, although proved to my observations to Mr. Kremer. I have no doubt, the satisfaction of the world to be founded in error, however, that Mr. Sanford will remember what pasthat his magnanimity had never permitted him to cor- sed between him and myself upon the subject of his rect it. I mentioned the terms in which I understood certificate, in the presence of Mr. Crafts, of Vermont; he had alluded to the name of gov. Shelby in his let-and if ever Mr. Kremer and himself made the reply to ter to Mr. Monroe, when that distinguished individual | me, as stated, all I say, can say, is, that it was done, as had been spoken of for the war department; I men- the story is related of the overseer abusing his em tioned also his vote on the tariff in regard to some ployer-after I was out of hearing. articles in which Kentucky, more than any other state, I think it not unlikely that the conversations I have was interested, as illustrative, so far as the past could related, which were held with various persons, and inform us, that he had neither regarded the fame or those mentioned with Mr. Kremer and Mr. Sanford, the interest of the state, when presented to his action have been seized upon, by the author of that address, --and, therefore, however well, as an individual, I and distorted and converted into the language ascribmight feel towards him, yet, that Kentucky, as a state, ed to me. It is very clear to me that I did not say to was under no peculiar obligations to him; and, I may Mr. Kremer, that gen. Jackson was my choice next to have added, that I did not consider that he possessed Mr. Clay; nor that I told him that Kentucky would fit and suitable qualifications for the great and diver- come out strong for the general; nor that gen. Jacksified duties of the office, and that I did not believe, son, if elected, would make Mr. Adams secretary of that the interests of the west, or the union, would be state; nor could I have wished to have known of him promoted by his election, more than by the election what the friends of gen. Jackson would do for Kenof another. I have also mentioned, when conversing tucky; for, really, I should suppose, that no man, who on the relations of gen. Jackson and Mr. Adams toward is acquainted with Mr. Kremer, would ever have each other, that I had understood that they had al-thought of going to him to make a bargain, or to obways been intimate and friendly, and that gen. Jack-tain a promise or understanding about any office in son, it was thought, preferred Mr. Adams to either the gift of a president. Such an idea may be held of the others; and that Mr. Adams, I was told, had out at a distance, where Mr. K. is only known as a said, that he would not serve in the cabinet of any member of congress, but never can gain credit where one of the candidates, except general Jackson. he is known as a man.

I recollect that, shortly after we received informa- I remember that it was often said, by members, tion that the legislature of Kentucky had passed a re- and, perhaps, by friends of each of the candidates, solution requesting the delegation to vote f » general that Mr. Clay, and his friends, "held the balance in Jackson, that Mr. Kremer came to me, in the house their hands;" and it may have been said by some, that of representatives, and observed, in substance--that Kentucky "held the balance in her hands"-but to he could not meet "Kentucky as brothers, since the this opinion I did not then, nor do I yet, subscribe. legislature has instructed you to vote for the general;" | Instead of the common salutation of "how are you that he always knew Kentucky would do her duty this morning?" Mr. Kremer's ordinary expression He always knew Kentucky would support the general-- was, to me, "how is Kentucky to-day?" And, it is pro"Pennsylvania loves Kentucky"-Clay is a great fa- bable that, at some time, I may have answered, "she is vorite in Pennsylvania, and, if Kentucky helps us now, not dead yet;" but never in relation to Mr. Clay's exto elect the general, as he knew she would, Pennsyl-clusion from the house. But supposing that I was to vania would stick to Kentucky next time for Clay; admit, what it is represented I said to Mr K. upon the and some other such forward silly observations. I inquiry stated-what could be made of it against me, acknowledge that I was not altogether pleased with considering and taking into view the time, the manthe remarks, or the manner of Mr. Kremer, and re-ner, and the person to whom said? The conversation plied to him, at no great length, but in a way, that, if is alleged to be introduced incidentally by Mr. Krehe had either perception or sensibility, he could not mer himself; my reply is represented to be not secret, well have misunderstood. This was probably the but open, and in the presence of a witness, who had last conversation that Mr. Kremer had with me on been procured to be present, or, if they rather, who the subject-I think so. But, whether this be the had accidentally come up. To those who know Mr. conversation pretended to be alluded to, or not, I can- Kremer, the idea of a hoax would much more readily not say. But, a word to the honorable member who attach itself to such a conversation, than of intrigue; is said to have been present and heard a part of the and the only part of the narrative that I can recognize conversation, and who is said to have given a certifi- as strictly true, is Mr. Kremer's introducing a concate, though I have not seen it. This member is Mr.versation to me-for it is certainly very true, that Sanford, of Tennessee, who had, some time previous, he very often mentioned the subject of the election taken me aside, (and I am not the only one of the to me, but I never once, during the session, introducKentucky delegation that he corner'd on the subject), ed the subject to him, or to Mr. Sanford, that I reto persuade and induence me to vote for the general, by the force of his arguments and his views of the subject; at which time he dwelt very largely upon the the good feelings of the people of Tennessee toward Mr. Clay; and was quite sure, if general Jackson was ected now, that nothing was clearer than that Mr. dag would be presidentfix', and many other things

collect of. How much credit is due to the statement, that a "member" told Mr. Kremer, that "Mr. Adam's fricads had made overtures," &c. which is made the prelude to the conversation said to have been had with me by Mr. Kremer, I shall leave to others to judge-for my own part, I do not believe it. I do not believe that any member ever seriously told him any

such thing; but, if any one had, and he had been de-interfere with the rights of my constituents, although
sirous of ascertaining the truth, and of confining him- to fix on me the charge of violating instructions has
self to it, it seems to me the most judicious and ready wholly failed. I always have been, and always shall
mode would have been to have pursued back the in-be, in favor of the right of instruction, and shall be
quiry, until he found out who made the "overtures," found to abide and defend that right as long as any
and to whom they were made; but, to avoid and de-one who is concerned in these complaints against
feat investigation into the charges propagated, seems me, which I am now compelled to defend.
to be one part of the plan of operations.

Whatever words I may have used, or whatever conversations I may have had, that I have ever, in any conversation, jocose, careless, or serious, sought to obtain a bargain, a promise, or an understanding for any office, of any kind, for Mr. Clay, is utterly false and unfounded.

But suppose the legislature had requested us to vote for Mr. Adams, and we had voted for the general; where would have been all this out-cry, abuse and slander? Would Mr. Kremer, his aiders and abettors, have complained? Not they: and it is an old saying, that a rule that does not work both ways, is not a good one; so that, it is equally evident, that this conspiracy has originated in disappointed hopes in arriv

It is admitted, that there was much free and famibar conversation among the members on the subject of the election. The friends of Mr. Clay having been deprived of their first choice, by the return of the other three candidates to the house of representatives, were the only members who had to make a second choice. The friends of each of the others were desirous of obtaining the suffrages for their fa-ing at power; and one remark may be worthy of notice; vorite; and, therefore, I presume, it was, that the that they who would use unfair means to obtain powfriends of Mr. Clay were more talked to by the other er, would not be over-scrupulous about the use of it members, than the friends of either of the returned afterwards. And I venture to suggest, as much noise candidates. And, amidst all these conversations, in- as the friends of general Jackson have made about nocently conceived, casually held, carelessly expres- Mr. Clay, myself, and others of his friends, voting sed, it would have been no matter of surprise if the for Mr. Adams, connected with all their professions designing and the unprincipled had, by distortion and of fairness and purity of conduct, that the friends of misrepresentation, drawn into their service many the other two candidates fall very far short of the more conversations than they have done. If they means used, to obtain our vote for the general. The have made what they have exhibited out of my con- friends of Mr. Clay were solicited, persuaded, enversations, of reply to two men, what may they not be treated, tendered the most unfeigned assurances of able to make from the careless and open conversations friendship; letters it is believed, were written from Frankfort, to get up those instructions; letters of all others? When these conspirators shall make here this arithmetical calculation, it is not unlikely we were also written, it is believed, to some of the disshall see another address with the signature of "G.tricts, to have the members instructed and pressed to vote for the general; letters, and paragraphs appearKremer." ed the prints in New York, Philadelphia and other places, denouncing Mr. Clay and his friends, if they should vote for Mr. Adams or Mr. Crawford; and I may ask, what was not done that could be done, to control Mr. Clay and his friends, to lead or drive them into the support of the general? And, not havAs to my vote for Mr. Adams, I will be permitted ing been able to accomplish their ends, the whole to say, it was given with the sole view to the inte- complaint is, that Mr. Clay and some of his friends rests of my country, according to the best dictates voted for Mr. Adams, whereby Mr. Adams was of my judgment, without personal predilections for elected on the first ballot, and thereby deprived the the one, or unfriendly feelings for the other; and friends of the general of a further scuffle for the prewithout any view to office for Mr. Clay: nor, in giv- sidency, although it is quite evident, to many, he ing this vote, am I chargeable with the violation of could not have been elected; and thereupon, to jusinstructions. The legislature of Kentucky has never tify complaint, charges of corruption have been fabriassumed the right of instructing the members of con-cated, and Mr. George Kremer selected to propogate gress from that state. The legislature has exercised them. It is a trite saying, that none are so ready to the right of instructing the senators in congress, on charge corruption upon others, as they who are corthe ground of the rights of constituents; the legisla-ruptible themselves." Mr. Kremer, in the respective publications bearture, in that case, are the electors, and to the electors is the elected responsible. But, as to members of the ing his signature, is made to be free and profuse in house of representatives, no such right ever has, or proclaiming his fairness, his political honesty, his ever will be claimed by the legislature; for it is a great abhorrence to intrigue, management, conspiraright which belongs to the people, whose immediate cies, &c. How far his professions accord with his representatives they arc; to their constituents the re-acts, will be judged of; and, upon reading these presentatives are alone responsible, and not to the declarations of purity and honesty, the old saying ocrepresentatives of the same people, exercising legis- curs to my mind, "that they who boast most of their lative powers in another department. This would be fairness and honesty, are apt to have the least;" and to transfer the power and control of the people over in no case, perhaps, has that saying been better verifitheir representatives in congress to the legislature of ed, than in the case where Mr. Kremer is the visaThe reading of the case appears to be as the state, which the people never did, nor never will ble actor. do. They will, as they ought to do, hold the control-follow: A letter was written here, 25th January, ling and corrective power in their own hands, and was published in a Philadelphia print on 28th Janua exercise it according to their own judgment and dis-ry, is sent to Mr. Clay; Mr. Clay's card is published in the Intelligencer, on the 31st January; on the 3d

cretion.

The legislature have, as in the present case, re-day of February, "another card" appears in that paquested the delegation—which request is assuredly en-per, signed "G. Kremer,” neither owning nor denyfitled to great respect and consideration, on accounting that he was the author of the letter of the 25th of the very highly respectable and intelligent body January: but declares he is ready to prove all that is from which it emanated-and that request did receive my most serious and respectful consideration; and I should have taken great pleasure in complying with it, if I had not considered a paramount duty required a different course This is a matter, however, which belongs properly to my constituents and myself; and I can see no right, the writer of that address had to

alleged against "H. Clay," (omitting his friends), and that he would "cry aloud and spare not;" this seemed pretty bold in the way of proof, but no notice is taken of the imputations cast on the author of that letter in the card of Mr. Clay. Mr. Kremer having thus resorted to some tribunal that could hear and determine, Mr. Clay applied to the house of repre