caution I did to guard the persons and property of the inhabitants of Porto Rico from injury. Had, in fact, my motives been bad, I should have insisted on severer terms than those I exacted, and I should not have retired immediately after the concessions and assurances were made, but should have remained there, to enjoy the intimidated, humble and degraded condition of the authorities and the people. That my motives were disinterested, is certain, from the circumstance of my confining myself to the single object of protection to the persons of our citizens. I had nothing personally to hope for, or to gain, by securing their safety; and I had certainly much to lose in making the attempt: for I placed my life at hazard.

pense which attend it. Consulting both, little will be submitted to your consideration, disconnected with the main subject of your deliberations.

The recent acquisition of our vacant territory in the occupation of the Creeks, is that subject, and the survey and appropriation, the objects which will claim your attention. For the first we are chiefly indebted to the commissioners of the United States, colone! Campbell and major Meriwether. Too much praise cannot be given to these gentlemen, for the firmness and intrepidity with which they met the most formidable obstacles, and for the untiring zeal and patient labor with which they conquered them. That, of this praise, there can be no waste or misapplication, you will read in the various documents, and correspon If I have failed in justifying myself, I trust that the dence connected with it, and which are submitted. failure will be ascribed to the peculiarly delicate du- You will distinctly see that the principal difficulties ties which have been confided to me, involving nice which embarrassed them, from beginning to endand intricate questions of national rights, and a zea- which defeated the first treaty at Broken Arrow, and lous desire to act fully up to the wishes of the govern- which were woll nigh producing a rupture of the last ment; and not from a wish to act in opposition to its at the Indian Springs, proceeded from a quarter, the views, or to infringe on the territorial rights and im- least of all to be expected-from officers in the pay munities of others. Should there appear the slightest and confidence of the federal government, who, inevidence of my having, for a moment, wilfully disre- stead of rendering to the commissioners the most corgarded what was due to my own country, and the re-dial co-operation, had organized an opposition, thereby spect due to the government of Spain, I shall submit, exposing to suspicion their own government, which, with resignation and cheerfulness, to the severest in justification of itself, was finally obliged to avow punishment that can be inflicted on me, if it even ex- that the perfidious plots and devices contrived by it, tends to deprive me of my commission, which I should were unknown and unauthorized at Washington, at then be unworthy of bearing. the same time the authors and contrivers were permitted to escape but with little observation, and certainly without merited punishment.

For merely doing my duty, I have never asked nor expected any reward beyond the approbation of my country; and if it should appear that I have, in this instance, done no more than my duty, I confidently hope and expect that I shall escape all punishment, beyond what I have already felt.

the respect of all who know them.

The delegation in congress, also faithful to their trust, have seconded, by active and incessant labor; the measures taken by this government, to support, not only this important right, but all other rights and inI have stated all the grounds which, in my opinion, terests of the state; and, in the delicate and critical rejustified my undertaking the expedition to Foxardo. lations which these involved, have so deported themI acted on letters of an official character, already re-selves as to command the confidence of ourselves, and ferred to, and statements which I had no doubt could be relied on. I acted on what I believed a fair con- In disposing of the territory thus acquired, it is restruction of the laws of nations, the intention of those commended to you to consult the will of your conwho framed my orders, and the public voice. I did stituents, so far as that will can be distinctly ascer not think it necessary to go through the formality of tained-The lands belonging to them in joint and secollecting evidence on oath, to justify me in the at- veral property, and none but themselves or immetempt I was about making to secure, in future, our diate representatives can rightfully dispose of them. officers from insult. Had I done so, my object would Recognising this as a fundamental principle, you have been defeated in the time that would have elaps have, in the exercise of a sound discretion, to look as ed, and the alarm that would have been excited by well to ulterior and remote, as to immediate interests an enquiry, which could not have been kept secret-interests which the people themselves cannot fail to Promptness was necessary, and I felt satisfied that appreciate and cherish, because they directly and the letters which I already possessed, were a suffi-equally concern each and every of them now, and cient justification for my proceedings. their posterity hereafter. They are those of public The following documents, which have been reject-education-of internal improvement-of relief from ed by the court, and which I do not now offer in vindication of my conduct, but in eonfirmation of the letters of lieut. Platt, Mr. Cabot, and Mr. Bergeest, are so full on the subject of the robberies and pirati cal depredations from Foxardo, and the piratical character of the authorities and people of that part of Porto Rico, that I deem it unnecessary to make any comment on them. The complicated system of villany they unfold is disgraceful to the nation to which they belong, and a continuation of it will be disgraceful to the rest of the world, and particularly to those nations most exposed to their depredations. The pirates of Cuba, of Algiers, Tunis and Tripoli, offer no parallel.

[Some of the accompanying papers shall be given.]

Legislature of Georgia.

EXECUTIVE DEPARTMENT, GEO. Milledgeville, 23d May, 1825. Fellow-citizens of the senate and house of representatives: In calling you together, I have not been unmindful of the personal inconvenience, and of the public ex

taxation, when taxation would be most required and and most burthensome-the efficiency of a military system for defence, in providing arms and arsenals, and all the materiel of war, for which no state ought to be dependent on another; and, indeed, every subject which, in peace or war, can conduce to the safety or prosperity of the state, and requiring for its most useful and energetic application, the propulsive instrument, money. To dilate upon these topics would be to consume your time uselessly. Your own wisdom will better supply the argument in support of each. Suffice it to say, that the accumulation of a fund for internal improvement, on an extended scale, will, by its judicious application, so multiply your resources and augment your income, as to enable you eventually to replace that fund-provide abundantly for all the wants of the state-dispense with taxation, and place you, in all these respects, on a footing with the most favored of your sister state:, who, with less means, have accomplished more.

These are no idle speculations. The results are about to be realized in an illustrious instance, where a great member of the confederacy, has made her

ever stain may have been left upon our soil, none should upon the page of our history.

But the representatives of the people were about to assemble, who would bring with them feelings and sentiments corresponding to the occasion, tempered by a deliberate wisdom and a sound discretion-the task is cheerfully resigned to them, and whatever, in the last resort, they will-that will be done.

self greatest by perfecting what nature has roughly sketched, and thus fulfilling, by a no very complicated process, the highest duties to herself and to God. Our physical advantages are scarcely inferior, and when it is believed to be quite practicable to divide with her the trade of the western world, our temptations cannot be less. Presupposing, therefore, that the system bitherto adopted for the settlement of our terThe consternation and alarm which immediately ritory will be pursued, I advise that the fee upon the grant, be fixed at a rate which, whilst it makes the followed the death of McIntosh, rendered necessary grant essentially a donation, and takes nothing from measures of precaution, as well for the security of the pockets of the poorest of our citizens, but what the frontiers, as for the protection of the friendly Inwill be paid without inconvenience or complaint, dians, who, deserting their homes, fled with their will, at the same time, bring something into the trea-wives and children, before the hostile party, and sury in aid of the general fund appropriated to these presenting themselves, destitute and defenceless, at objects. To this, the proceeds of the fractions and of various points of the frontiers, asked bread of our The quarterany reservations you may think proper to make, will humanity and protection of our arms. masters were directed to supply the one, and our ge importantly contribute. Having advocated the present system, from the be-nerals ordered to afford the other; and both at the ginning, there has been no reason to change any opi- expense of the United States, of which they had due hion formed of it. Men and the soil constitute the notice. The orders and instructions to major-generals Wimberly, Miller and Shorter, with the corres strength and wealth of nations, and the faster you pondence, &c. are laid before you. plant the men, the sooner you can draw on both. No The United States government have been again adnew country has been peopled faster than the terri-vised of the earnest desire of the government of tory acquired from time to time, by Georgia-none more rapidly improved with the same established modes and customs of improvement. The speculations by which its principle has been vitiated it is our bounden duty to discourage and repress-they defeat the very end of it; because, whilst you contemplate the advantage of the poor, the speculation preys upon the poor and fattens on it.

Georgia, that the line, between this state and the state of Alabama, should be run and marked. The United States answer to the last request, that it is a concern of the two states exclusively, in which the United

States will not interfere. On the former occasion, as

you will remember, the general government declined a participation, and upon the allegation, singly, that the state of Alabama had not given her assent. The state of Alabama had, in fact, given her assent, and had sought, with much solicitude, the concurrence of Georgia. Very recently, her former resolutions, upan this subject, have been rescinded, and Georgia is left free to run the line, with or without her co-operation, as she may deem best. The correspondence with the general government, and the letter of the governor of Alabama, are submit'ed.

Having foreseen that troubles might arise in the Indian country, from the proceedings at Broken Arrow and the Indian Springs, I sought an early opportunity, after the first indications of them, to despatch my aid-de-camp, col. Lamar, into the nation, with a talk for that portion of the tribe which had menaced McIntosh and his friends with injury. This duty was performed entirely to my satisfaction, as you Our claims to the lands oocupied by the Cherokees, will perceive by the report of col. Lamar. They professed the most friendly sentiments, both towards within our limits, as well as those on account of inthe whites and towards McIntosh, and gave assurances dian depredations, provided for by the first treaty at that they were meditating harm to neither. It is be the Indian Springs, are adverted to only to inform lieved, from recent information, that they acted in you of the actual state of those interests, and for this perfect sincerity and good faith, and that the subse-purpose the various papers connected with them, are quent departure from it was the result of the active laid before you. In my so- Since you were last in session, much of anxiety and and malignant interference of white men. licitude for the peace and happiness of this afflicted concern have been manifested for all the interests race, who were about to leave us to try new fortunes connected with the bank of Darien. The origin of in a distant land, I issued the proclamation of the 21st the excitement and consequent depreciation of the of March, which immediately followed the ratifica- paper of that institution may be considered fit subtion of the treaty, and thus transcended the obliga-jects of investigation-the report of a committee, apLions enjoined by strict duty.

pointed to examine the state of its affairs, having been Having their own pledge that the peace should be reviewed and adopted by you, left, at the close of the kept among themselves, I wished to see no interrup- session, the solvency of the bank indisputable. When, tion of it by the Georgians, and, honorably for them, on a subsequent occasion, it became necessary for the there has been none. I verily believe that, but for executive to pass an order connected with this dethe insidious practices of evil-minded white men, the preciation, and the administration of the finances, entire nation would have moved harmoniously across I did not hesitate so to act, as to conform the order the Mississippi. The massacre of McIntosh and his both to your expressed opinion and the practice of friends is to be attributed to them alone. That chief- the treasury. As no change has been made in the tain, whose whole life had been devoted to Georgia, condition of the institution, I would suffer none to be as faithfully as to his own tribe, fell beneath the made in the payments and receipts of its bills at the blows of the assassins, when reposing in the bosom reasury, until you should order otherwise; and, whilst of his family, upon the soil of Georgia-the soil which I would not permit any measure to be taken which he had defended against a common enemy, and against would be construed into depreciation at the treasury; his own blood-which he had relinquished, forever, I would suffer none that would have the least effect to to our just demands, and which he had abandoned to embarrass the operations of the other institutions; and our present use, only because we asked it. So foul this was the more proper, because the difficulties of a murder, perpetrated by a foreign force, upon our the one institution might be ascribable, in some deterritory, and within our jurisdiction, called aloud gree, to remissness or indiscretion in the management, for vengeance. It was my settled purpose, having for which it was certainly not entitled to favor, whilst first consulted the government at Washington, to the operation at the treasury still continued favorable bave dealt out the full measure of that vengeance; to it, inasmuch as the receipts and payments, being so that honor, humanity, justice, being satisfied, what-I confined to Darien hills, and the receipts exceeding

Your fellow-citizen,

G. M. TROUP.

the payments, there would be a constant accumula-, foresight, we might have been. I entreat you, there tion of such bills, and, consequently, a subtraction, fore, most earnestly now, that it is not too late, to step to that amount, from the circulation of the country. forth, and, having exhausted the argument, to stand In every other state of the union, where bank credit by your arms. has been sustained, these institutions mutually aid and assist each other, and, by harmonious co-operation, maintain, unimpared, the circulating medium of that state. Those of Georgia must profit of this wise example. Interest and credit are not to be found in rivalry and discord, and it is sincerely hoped and be-minister to Mexico, has arrived at Vera Cruz. We lieved that, in this instance, conflicting opinions have been the result of misapprehension or mistake. The great institution of the United States keeps them all in check, and should, at the same time, keep them all in union.

CHRONICLE.

The frigate Constellation, with Mr. Poinsett, our

frequently hear of the West India squadron, and are happy to find that the officers and crews are very generally healthy.

Explosion. Three persons were killed, one drownboiler of the steam boat Legislator, as she was about ed, and three others injured, by the explosion of the to leave the wharf at New York, on the 2d inst. All except one, appear to have belonged to the boat. The killed were a fireman, the cook and a waiter. There were upwards of sixty passengers on board. Boats with superior accommodations, is building at New to be towed will soon be in fashion, and a large one, York. The machinery of the Legislator was on the low pressure principle. The accident is attributed, by some, to the desperate exertions that are too often made, that one boat may arrive at her point of destination half a minute before her opponent and rival!— which is regarded as a much more important matter than the safety of the passengers.

The steam acts upon the body with surprising pownearly as white as those of a white person. And a cr. The face and legs of one of the black men were medical gentleman took the skin with the nails, from one of the hands, as whole and as perfect as a new glove!

part of her cargo was lost.

The expenses incurred, by the reception of general Lafayette, amount to $7,198 32, as you will see by the accounts and vouchers which are exhibited. The executive had, in this instance, received an unlimited power over the public treasure, which ought never to be confided but upon very extraordinary occasions. It is due to the public, as well as to the officer charged with the disbursement, to institute a strict inquiry into the expenditure, thus exacting, as far as practicable, after the expenditure, that accountability, which, in ordinary cases, ought to be secured before. The orders given to my aids-de-camp, who were charged with their execution, enjoined on them the strictest economy; and, all eircumstances considered, they have not disappointed my expectations. Since your last meeting, our feelings have been again outraged by officious and impertinent intermeddlings with our domestic concerns. Beside the resolution presented for the consideration of the senate, by Mr. King, of New York-it is understood that the attorney general of the United States, who may be presumed to represent his government faithfully, The steam boats Hudson and Balize, met, in passing and to speak as its mouth-piece, has recently main-contact-the one ascending at the rate of six miles an a high bluff in the Alabama, at night, and came into tained, before the supreme court, doctrines on this hour, and the other descending at the rate of 10. The subject, which, if sanctioned by that tribunal, will shock was terrible. None of the passengers or of the make it quite easy for the congress, by a short decree, to divest this entire interest, without cost to them-time, her stern in forty feet water, and the greater crew were lost; but the Hudson sunk in a very short selves of one dollar, or of one acre of public landthis is the uniform practice of the government of the United States-if it wishes a principle established, which it dare not establish for itself, a case is made before the supreme court, and the principle, once set tled, the act of congress follows, of course. Soon, very soon, therefore, the United States government, Jiscarding the mask, will openly lend itself to a combination of fanatics for the destruction of every thing valuable in the southern country-one movement of the congress, unresisted by you, and all is lost. Temporize no longer-make known your resolution that this subject shall not be touched by them but at their peril-but for its sacred guarantee, by the constitution, we never would have become parties to that instrument at this moment, you would not make yourselves parties to any constitution without it-of course, you will not be a party to it from the moment the general government shall make that movement. If this matter be an evil, it is our own-if it be a sin, we can implore the forgiveness of it; to remove it, we ask not either their sympathy or assistance-it may be our physical weakness-it is our moral strength. If, like the Greeks and Romans, the moment we cease to be masters, we are slaves-we, thenceforth, minister, like the modern Italians, to the luxury and pleasures of our masters-poets, painters, musicians and sculptors, we may be-the moral qualities, how-York paper), a drove of 89 head of fine fat cattle passNovel transportation. Yesterday, (says a late New ever, which would make us fair partakers of the ed up the Bowery-from West New York, in twenty grandeur of a great empire would be gone--we would odd hours from Albany, by the tow-boats of the stand stripped and desolate, under a fervid sun, and Henry Eckford, with a canal boat and cargo in upon a generous soil, a mockery to ourselves, and company. Where will the benefits of steam and cathe very contrast of what, with a little firmness and nal navigation end?

New York. A party of riotous young men, between 1 and 2 o'clock, on the morn g of the 3d instant, assailed some gentlemen who were returning home from a wedding party, and, by an unfortunate blow, killed David R. Lambert, esq. a very respectable merchant of New York. The young men have been arrested. Mr. L. died instantly.

is on Long island opposite the city of New York, has Brooklyn. Property in this beautiful village, which experienced a great rise in value. A lot that was bought for $1,875 in 1814, was lately sold for $9,025

found to contain 5,276 inhabitants-of whom, 2,428 New Bedford. This town, by a late census, was were males, and 2,527 females, and 321 blacks. The number of families 935. The population in 1820 was 3,947. Increase 1580, in about four and a half

years.

Butter was lately selling at Harrisburg, Pa. at five cents per lb. and is said "not to have been as cheap since the memory of man." It is probably cheaper in several parts of the United States; and I have known it to be sold for 4d. in the public market of a much larger town than Harrisburg.

PRINTED BY WILLIAM OGDEN NILES, AT THE FRANIOLIN PRESS, WATER-STREET, BAST OF SOUTH-STREET.

BALTIMORE, JUNE 18, 1825. [VOL. XXVIII. WHOLE NO. 718

THE PAST THE PRESENT-FOR THE FUTURE.

EDITED AND PUBLISHED BY H. NILES, AT $5 PER ANNUM, PAYABLE IN ADVANCE.

THE BRITISH PARLIAMENT. We insert some extracts from the late speeches delivered in parliament in relation to the Catholic Question and the Corn Laws: the one belonging to freedom of conscience and the *A late London paper has the following paragraph: other to freedom of trade. But it seems that the go-"It is said that the government of the Netherlands has vernment is resolved to keep both in "shackles," not- signified its readiness to remove all restrictions on withstanding so many words have been uttered about the importation of British manufactured goods into the march of mind and progress of liberal principles. the territories and COLONIAL possessions of that counThe first of these matters interests every friend of try, on condition that the duty on Dutch butter and civil and religious liberty-for the time has arrived cheese imported into England be withdrawn. It is when all rational men believe that there cannot be a calculated that, in the event of this proposal being right in human government, whether secular or ec- agreed to, the exportation of British manufactures to clesiastic, to dietate articles of religious faith-that is, Batavia and the other Indian possessions of the Neto interpret the bible by the point of the sword! for such, therlands, will amount, in value, to several millions, in reality, is the operation of every ESTABLISHED annually. CHURCH, as state religions are called. There is neither The duke, however, has been a bishop ever since charity nor peace in them-pride and hypocrisy are he was about two years old, and so must be a very the only things that prosper under them. They religious character!

are very convenient to keep mankind in a state of The Gatholic relief bill has passed its third readslavery, and, as such, are nourished the more as going in the house of commons by a majority of 21-a vernments are the more arbitrary and unjust. The large number of members being present, notwithother subject is immediately important to the people standing the speech of the "royal duke" and bishop. VOL. XXVIE- -16.

But it is the remarks of Mr. Huskisson to which we new lights given them, has satisfied a majority of the would chiefly call the attention of our readers. It propriety of his course. In this state of the case, it will appear very plain, on a careful reading of the is submitted to the consideration of those that have extracts, that his "free trade" means a British mono- so much blamed him for his vote, as being a violation poly. I have italicised some of his sentences, and of the wishes of his constituents-whether they ought every one will be struck with the harmony of his not to retract their censure, on that account, and subsystem! It will be seen that free trade will not be mit themselves to the operation of the great republiallowed on any thing that interferes with British in- can principle, that the people are the best judges of dustry-but that freedom of trade is asked for every their own affairs? And surely, it is Mr. Clay's late thing which British industry can produce or supply. constituents that must be regarded as having the Now, is not this exceedingly moderate and modest? right to decide on this matter-provided the doctrine Until you alter your system," says Mr. Huskisson, so generally expressed, as to the duty of a representa"you shall not participate in our free trade," having re-tive, to the citizens of his own particular district, be ference to nations which do not freely receive British accepted to the extent that is claimed for it in other goods. Why may not we reply, and, until you receive cases. The doctrine cannot be inapplicable to one, our bread-stuffs, we will not receive your cloths and cottons? and irrelevant in another-its principle must equally Every good rule should work both ways-if Mr. Hus- apply to every case. kisson is that great and enlightened man which many of our editors say that he is, because that he has talked about "relieving trade of its shackles," the policy now recommended by him, being the same as that which was supported, years ago, in congress, by Messrs. Clay, Baldwin, Tod and others, they must have been equally enlightened. Yes-and we see the effects of it; Mr. Huskisson himself tells us, that a certain description of American goods, (the manufacture of which was established by approaching the British system of protection), are the successful rivals of like British goods. And so others will be, when we shall demand and receive that reciprocity in our trade with Great Britain, which she exacts and receives from all other nations with whom she has commercial connections by treaties.

GEN. LAFAYETTE arrived at Buffalo in the steam boat Superior, from Dunkirk, on the 4th inst. and was received in a very handsome manner, indeed, of which due notice shall be taken hereafter. Among those who visited him, was the famous indian chief Red Jacket, who had known him in 1784, and not yet forgotten him. The general was at Rochester on the 7th, and, rapidly passing down the canal, arrived at Albany, on the 12th-from whence he took a direct course for Boston, to arrive there on the 16th, and be in readiness to lay the corner stone of the monument to be erected on Bunker's Hill on the 17th, the anniversary of the battle. He is to be at Philadelphia on the 4th July, to lay the corner stone of the Washington monument, to be erected in that city-a description of which is published in the pa

We shall soon redeem our promise of giving an account of the late extensive and interesting tour of our venerable frierd, and endeavor to do all the justice which the nature of the case will admit of, to the warm hearted and grateful people who have happily rivalled one another in shewing him the kindest and most delicate attentions, from one extreme of the states to the other.

The fact is, however much the truth has been mis-pers. represented, that the friends of domestic industry in the United States, as a body of people, never asked more for themselves and the nation than freedom of trade. Thousands have been strangely deceived or perversely ignorant of the great principles for which we have so long contended. They are avowed in every part of Mr. Huskisson's speech, on behalf of his country-except that he claims for England a monopoly that we never have sought for. We only asked RECIPROCITY-that reciprocity which British *It is a question by no means settled, however, even statesmen will never cease to demand and receive, among those who recognize the "right of instruction," or attempt to coerce, on behalf of the agriculturalists, in its most extensive meaning, whether the represenmanufacturers and merchants of their own country. tative may not be required rather to obey the geWe are willing to exchange days' labor with the peo-neral will of a whole people, deeply interested in ple of Great Britain, if they will exchange days' labor some proceeding which is to have a great and general with us-but we cannot afford to exchange the manual influence, than that of the citizens of his own particulabor of our people, exclusively or mainly for the pro-lar district. On this subject, a very able argument was ducts of machinery in Great Britain. If Mr. H. really recently published in the REGISTER, and, in the last desires free trade with us, let him simply say-that number of the Richmond Enquirer which has reachall the commercial rights and privileges enjoyed by ed us, we observe a note signed "Wm. BrockenEnglishmen in the United States shall be enjoyed by brough," in which, (expressing his hope that the leAmericans in England, and a bargain may be made at gislature of the state will not "thwart the wishes of once. We ask no more than this. If there is any a majority of the people," as to the calling of a conAmerican that is content with less, let him stand forth!vention to revise the constitution, he says "On this Destitute of a sense of national honor, he will serve as a mark for "scorn to point her slow unmoving finger at." The people of the United States will not "play a second fiddle" to any other people.

fundamental question, my opinion is, that a well-ascertained majority of the whole people, and not of counties, should give the rule, and that, when their will is expressed, the representative from Warwick, as well as the representative from Frederick, is each bound by the instructions of the whole and not of the respective parts."

KENTUCKY. We give some account of Mr. Clay's reception by his late constituents, &c. It appears that candidates to succeed him in congress are already Warwick is one of the least populous, and Fredein the field, and one of them has proposed that a rick one of these which has the greatest number of "county dinner" shall be given in honor of him. A inhabitants, (and freeholders, too,) in the state; but fair opportunity is about to be presented to ascertain each has an equality in the representation--so that one how far Mr. Clay succeeded in expressing the will man in Warwick has the power of twenty-seven like of his constituents on the presidential question. If men in Frederick: but Mr. Brockenbrough supposes his vote on that occasion shall be ratified by the elcc-that, if it is the will of a majority of the people of Vistion of a successor, who is openly the advocate of his GINIA that a convention should be called, the reprepolitics and policy, the result must be conclusive with sentatives from Warwick will be as much bound to hose who contend for the "right of instruction" in all vote for it as those from Frederick-every representases whatsoever, that he either expressed the will tive "being bound by the instructions of the whole the people of his district at the time, or, by the and not of the respective parts."