alcalde, requesting me to call at his office. I was then
under the impression that he had made some dis-
coveries in respect to the goods that I was in search
of. I went over to his office directly; licut. Ritchie
and the pilot were with me, to see what the result
was. I inquired, on my arrival at the office of the
alcalde whether he had sent for me, and for what
purpose. To this the captain of the port replied, insult offered to my person and the flag of the United
the most provoking and insulting maer, that he had
sent for me for the purpose of demanding my regis-
ter. I informed them that I had previously offered
to show my commission, my uniform, and my colors;
that I had no register; that a man-of-war carried
none. He then told me, that if I did not produce my
register at once, he would imprison me. I then re-
quested permission to go on board my vessel with any
officer they might choose to send with me, and that
would satisfy them of the character of my vessel and
of myself. I then stated to them that the insult which
I had received from them, was of that nature that it
could not be overlooked on my part, and that I should
make a formal report of it to com. Porter; and, lest
they might deny that they had arrested and imprison-
ed me, that I should proceed immediately on board
my vessel and leave the port. I left the office with the
design of returning to my vessel, when I was pursued
by soldiers, who took me by the collar, arrested, and
brought me back. I then considered myself as a pri-
soner. After detaining me about an hour, under the
charge of a sentry, with Mr. Ritchie and the pilot, they
consented to let me send Mr. Bedford, the clerk who
had been sent down by Messrs. Cabot and Baily, on
board the vessel for my commission. I sent him on
board and directed him to bring my commission and
uniform, though they did not require the latter. Mr.
Bedford returned with them. I put on my uniform,
and shewed them my commission, observing, it was a
thing which had never been required of me before.
After perhaps fifteen minutes deliberation on the sub-
ject, they pronounced the commission a forgery, and
me a damned pirate, and ordered me to be confined
in the jail. They called it the king's house, and not
knowing what that meant, I thought they were about
taking me to the most genteel house in the place. So
soon as I approached near enough to discover that it
was a guard house, well calculated to produce the
yellow fever or plague, I objected to being confined
there, and said I would not be, unless they compelled
it by force of arms. In about ten minutes they return-
ed me to the quarters from which they had taken
me, and placed me under charge of a sentry. After
my return, I directed the interpreter to inquire what
their object was-whether they meant to detain me
or what they wanted. The answer was, they would
detain me until they heard from St. John's, as I had
produced nothing to satisfy them of my character.
informed them that what I had already shown them,
was all that could be in my power to shew them
after hearing from St. John's. They informed me
that I had shown nothing to satisfy them that I was
ever ordered to that vessel as a lieutenant comman-
dant. I then requested permission to send on board
for my orders-it was granted. I sent on board and got
them. After producing my orders, they called a coun-
cil, detained me tiH about fifteen minutes before sun
down, confined. I was then set at liberty and order-
ed to go on board my vessel; which I did, laughed
and hissed at by every blackguard in the street.
this way I left the village, went on board my vessel
and got under weigh.

The commodore replied that a written report was
necessary. I informed him it should be done directly;
that, not expecting him so soon, was the cause why
it had not already been made out. The commodore
further informed me, that, if the circumstances of the
case would justify my going there, as I did, that he
would visit Foxardo, and obtain redress for the in-
States. I referred the commodore to Mr. Cabot and
Mr. Furniss, both commercial agents at that place,
who would inform him that robberies of the same
kind had been committed, and the goods stolen traced
to Foxardo or the neighborhood. The commodore
directed me to go on shore, and request Mr. Cabot to
come on board, and, at the same time, to get a pilot.
I saw Mr. Cabot, who immediately came on board
with me. In the morning the pilot came on board
the Beagle, and I immediately got under weigh, and
stood out to the Adams, then under weigh, by order of
the commodore. I went on board the commodore,
and delivered my written report. I was then ordered
to go ahead, with the pilot on board the Beagle, and
make the best of my way to Foxardo. The wind,
however, was light, and we obliged to lie too, off
and on, during the night. The next morning, at day
light, I was hailed, and ordered to proceed again
ahead. At about 7 o'clock a boat was sent on board
from the commodore for the pilot, and I was directed
to proceed on again to the south. At 8, signals were
made to follow the motions of the commodore, who
was standing in to the land. At 9, we came to anchor
under the lec of Passage Island, where we remained
until 12 at night, when the Grampus, the Beagle, the
barges of the Adams, with as many of the officers and
men as could be spared from the vessels, got under
weigh, and proceeded towards the harbor of Foxarde.
At 8 o'clock in the morning of the 14th, came to an-
chor, with the Grampus and Beagle, in, the harbor of
Foxardo. The barges were officered and manned,
and about landing. At this time one of them had
been sent to attack a fort on an eminence at the beach.
Commodore Porter, at the same time, sent, by lieut.
Stribling, a flag of truce to the alcalde of the place.
At half past 8, we commenced marching up the land-
ing to the village, which was about a mile and a half
distant. We walked it in about fifteen or twenty
minutes. After we arrived within about forty rods
of the village, in a few minutes we discovered a field
piece, with a number of men with muskets. Com-
modore Porter ordered us to halt. About fifteen
minutes after, we discovered a white flag, which was
accompanied by lieut. Stribling, the alcalde, the cap-
tain of the port, and the interpreter. They professed,
when they met the commodore, not to know the ob-
ject of his visit. The commodore informed them
they ought to have known that from the tenor of his
note-asked them if they had not confined me, after
knowing I was an American eflicer, and why they
had done so. The alcalde admitted he confined
me after knowing that I was an American officer;
but said that he was not to blame, as he had been fore-
ed to do so by others. The commodore informed him
that he had nothing to do with any other person; that
he was the alcalde and chief magistrate of the place,
and that he held him responsible for the insult offered
to me, and to the flag-that, as he had the power of
confining, he certainly had the power of releasing

In me.

The commodore then informed there was no necessity for any altercation-that the time he had allowed had nearly expired-that there was about five On the 12th of November, I was standing out of or seven minutes remaining-that he required of the harbor of St. Thomas, and discovered the John them a suitable apology, such a one as should be dicAdams, with her broad pendant flying, standing into tated-the refusal of which would compel him to rethe harbor. As soon as the commodore came to an- sort to force of arms, which should terminate in a final chor, I went on board and reported myself to him, destruction of the village. They acceded to this, and and mentioned the circumstances that had led to my apologized in the manner the commodore dictated, to visit to Foxardo, and the treatment I met with there. I the satisfaction of all present. This being done, we

proceeded down to the beach. Refreshments were brought down, and we returned to the vessels, and got under weigh.

1

I neglected mentioning the spiking two nine pounders which guarded the passage by which we march-endeavors which were exerted to establish these ed up. I do not know that they were loaded. There was a battery on the eminence with two cannon. I saw the Spaniards by them with matches they were training them upon the vessels. This battery was attacked by a barge, and the Spaniards ran without firing. The other barges landed at almost the same time on the beach, within half a mile of the battery. They did not fire at us at all.

British Parliament.

THE CATHOLIC QUESTION. During the session of the house of lords, on the evening of the 25th April, a large number of petitions were presented, praying that no further concessions may be made to the Irish catholics. Among them, one was presented by the duke of York, from the dean and chapter of the chapel of St. George's, Windsor. The duke took this occasion to avow his fixed and determined purpose to persevere in his opposition to those claims, in the following speech:

whole subject: I cannot forget the deep interest which was taken upon it by one, now no more. I cannot here help adverting to the distressing situation in which my royal father was placed, by the repeated claims, notwithstanding the obligations which his coronation oath imposed on him: and I cannot help thinking, that, to this, was owing the many years' illness which he suffered. (IIere his royal highness was compelled to pause). I beg your lordships to understand that I am not speaking for others, but for myself. I have been brought up, in my early years, in these principles; and, from the time when I began to reason for myself, I have entertained them from conviction; and, in every situation in which I may be placed, I am determined, to whatever censure or obloquy I may be exposed by making this declaration, to persevere in my opposition to these claims, "So help me God!"

This speech, as it might well be supposed, produced a great sensation, particularly the concluding part, where his royal highness hinted at his situation as heir apparent to the throne. Not only does it afford a fruitful theme for the press, but it has elicited all the fire and eloquence of Mr. Brougham, in the house of commons, of which body, on the 29th, Mr.. Littleton moved the order of the day for the second reading of the Irish elective franchise bill. The object of this bill is to raise the qualification of forty shilling electors to ten pounds. Mr. Littleton made an able speech; after which, Mr. Brougham being called for, from all quarters of the house, rose in opposition, and made one of his best efforts. This bill is intended, by its friends, to go hand in hand with the catholic emancipation bill; and it was urged, that unless this should pass, the other must fall also. And one extraordinary feature of it is, that it is not to take effect until six months after the other shall have passed. In the course of his remarks, which frequently abounded in keen satire, he took occasion to introduce the subject of the duke of York's speech, on the preceding evening. We make the following extract from this part of the debate:

His royal highness, the DUKE of YORK. I hold, in my hand, a petition from the dean and chapter of the collegiate church of St. George, Windsor, praying that no further concession may be made to the Roman catholics. I am sure, that any representation, from so learned and respectable a body, will be received with the attention it deserves, and, therefore, I should not have troubled your lordships with any observations, in support of it, if I did not feel that this was an occasion on which any man may well be permitted to address your lordships. I do this more readily, on the present occasion, because, feeling that I am not in the habit of taking part in your discussions, I will not interrupt the progress of the debate, on the bill to which the petitioners refer, if it should come into this house. It is now twenty-five years since this measure was first brought into discussion. I cannot forget with what events that dis- If we wish to conciliate Ireland, let the great quescussion was, at that time, connected. It was con- tion be carried without any adjunct-let it be pure, nected with the most serious illness of one, now no simple, unadulterated, unaccompanied with any meamore; it was connected, also, with the temporary re- sures, called, indeed, auxiliary, but calculated to act moval of one of the ablest, wisest and honest minis- as trammels, and such a concession cannot fail to conters that this country ever had. From that time, ciliate Ireland, because it will be a pledge of our good when I gave my first vote on this question, to the pre-intentions towards her. The concession of the great sent, I have never seen any reason to regret or to question, though it will not immediately do much change the line which I then took. I have every good to every one in Ireland, will operate most beneyear seen more reason to be satisfied with my deci- ficially, because it will be a pledge to every one in sion. When the question comes regularly before Ireland, that we are, at length, determined to conciyour lordships, it will be discussed much more fully liate and concede. But if you send the emancipation and ably than I can do it. But there are two or three bill over to Ireland, liable to misconstruction, for, subjects on which I am anxious to touch: one is, that Mr. O'Connell, himself, says, it will go not only to inyou place the church of England in a situation in jure the feelings, but the property of the people of which no church in the world is placed: the Roman Ireland; I say, beware how you pass a measure which catholic will not allow the church of England, or par- might be undervalued, and received, not only without liament, to interfere with his church, and yet he re- gratitude, but with suspicion, in consequence of this quires you to allow him to interfere with your church, concilitating adjunct. We are all along supposing and to legislate for it. There is another subject still that, by agreeing to the adoption of this measure, we more delicate, on which I cannot, however, help say- shall carry the catholic question. Who is to secure ing a few words. I speak, (I beg to be understood), that result to us? We reckon without our host-only as an individual: I desire not to be understood (Cheers from the opposition). We reckon without our as speaking for any body else-but, consider, my lords-(Cheers and laughter). It is not for me to allords, the situation in which you place the sovereign.lude to that which passes in the other house of parliaBy the coronation oath, the sovereign is bound to maintain the church established, in her doctrine, discipline and rights, inviolate. An act of parliament may release future sovereigns, and other men, from this oath, or from any other oaths to be taken; but can it release an individual who has already taken it? I speak, I repeat it again, as an individual; but I entreat the house to consider the situation in which the sovereign is thus placed. I feel very strongly on this

ment, but I will say, that I have heard of that which passed in another place last night—that which, if true, would go not only to disturb the tranquility of Ireland, but to put in peril the safety of this country, and the existence of those institutions by law established and settled at the period of the revolution of 1688-(Loud and continued cheers from the opposition). I have heard, I repeat, that which gave me so deep and seIrious alarm, that I protest before God, I could not be

lieve the news when it was brought to me- -(Continu-event shall have taken place, it will be impossible to ed cheering). I held that it was impossible-I still think it impossible-(Cheers). The newspapers are filled with false libels on the illustrious individual to which they refer (Cheers). It is impossible that a prince of that house which sits upon the throne of these realms-that house which was so settled in 1688, should dare to declare that when he should come to fill another station-(Cheering from the oppo-imagination; I believe nothing can save Irelandsition, of such an astounding nature as defies description).

carry the question of emancipation; nay, that its success is even, at present, surrounded by doubt and danger, while such opposition is brewing against it in such a quarter. Instead of a majority of twenty-seven members of this house, to save the empire from convulsion, which, within the last twenty-four hours, has become ten thousand times more petrifying to the nothing can preserve the tranquility of Ireland, and save England from new troubles, but a large increase [Here Mr. Brougham was interrupted and called of the majority on this question (Hear, hear). Now, to order by Mr. Plunkett, because he alluded to then, is the time to carry it or not for years-(Cheers things that had taken place in the other house, &c. from both sides)--and even now you can carry it only The speaker thought that Mr. B. ought to have been by an overwhelming majority of this house-(Cheers). allowed to finish his sentence-which might or might This is the hour of its good fortune. This reign-the not have been disorderly. Mr. B. supported his present reign, is the critical moment of its probable right to speak of the transactions of the other house success (Loud cheering). The time may pass quickly and referred to several cases in which it had been by you-the glorious opportunity may soon be lost. exerted, and noticed one wherein the lord chancellor After a little sleeping and a little debating, and a lithimself, from the woolsack, had replied to some re-tle sitting upon those benches, and a little folding of marks made in the house of commons; and he said that the bench of bishops, and the whole assembly of peers, had been freely spoken of in the house, &c. After being again stupidly interrupted by Mr. Wodehouse, he continued.]

Then I am to understand that you may abuse the lord chancellor, the bench of bishops, and the whole assembly of peers, collectively and individually; but when you come to a prince of the blood-(Here the most deafening cries of order! burst from the ministerial side, and drowned Mr. Brougham's voice, who, having resumed his seat)

Mr. Peel advanced to the table, and suggested whether it would not be advisable that the honorable and learned member, (Mr. Brougham), should confine his observations to the question before the house, and cease to persevere in uttering sentiments, in the heat of debate, which, in cooler moments, his better judgment might condemn-(Hear! hear! hear!)

your arms, and a short passing space of languid procrastination, the present auspicious occasion will have disappeared, and the dominion of bigotry and despotism will come, in all its might, upon our slumberings, like an armed man in the night, and destroy the peace of Ireland, and endanger the safety of England, and threaten the liberties of the general empire-(Cheers). But God forbid that such a time may ever arrive!-(Repeated cheers). Yet, if it is destined to come upon us, late and far, far distant from us be the ill-omened crisis-(This sentence was received with a universal, simultaneous burst of long-continued cheering from every quarter of the house). If I were a lover of discord-(Laughter). Sir, I am not a lover of discord-(Cheers from the opposition benches)—and those, perhaps, who consider me so, are only not lovers of discord, because they prefer, to what they call discord and commotion, the solitude, which absolute, unthinking, obedience pays to unmitigated despotism. I respect all men's consciences. God forbid that I Mr. Brougham resumed. The advice of the right should not give, to their honest differences of opinhonorable secretary is, no doubt, administered to meion, that toleration which I challenge for myself. I with great sincerity; but, in my view of the question, have said that a want of consciencious honesty and the subject, to which I allude, forms a most impor- frankness is the last charge which I would bring tant element in it. Will any man tell me that he has against any man, either within these walls or out of now confident hopes of the catholic question? We doors; but I have lived long enough to know that are told that we are not to try the question of most antagonists, provided they be not honest, enthe 40s. freeholders on its own merits, but that the lightened men, are very often the most perverse and measure is expedient, because it will ensure the pas- pertinacious antagonists, and that all hopes of resing of the catholic bill? This argument might have claiming them from their errors, so help them God, is been used twenty-four hours ago, but does any man impossible-(Laughter and cheers). It becomes us, believe, after what has passed, that the enactment then, to set our house in order by times, and to recolof this measure will be sure to carry the catholic lect that, if we carried up the bill, on a former occabill?-(Cheers). What earthly security have I, that,sion, with a majority of nineteen, and it failed in the if I abandon my privileges and my duty as a legis- house of peers, there is ten thousand fold the nelator, by voting for this measure in the dark, I shall cessity for taking this last opportunity of bringing the even have the supposed compensation, for this aban-question to a conclusion, because an event may hapdonment and betrayal of my duty, the passing of the pen-God knows how soon or how late, but God forcatholic question? I repeat, that this might have been bid that it should be soon-(Loud cheers)—when you urged, as an argument, two or three days ago; but will have no longer the option; when, even if the bill does any man really believe now that the catholic should be carried-not by a majority of nineteen bill will pass?-(Hcar). Does any man believe that or twenty-seven-but by a unanimous vote of both the ominous news of this day, which has gone forth houses of parliament, and the voice of the whole coun to England and Ireland, will not ring the knell of de- try-even if the country streamed with blood, the spair to the cars of the catholic?—(Hear, hear, hear). measure could not be effected except by an inseparaI am not an enemy to consistency of action; I do not ble breach of the crown. Let me entreat-let me imcondemn the candid expression of sincere convic-plore the house, then, to be wise, in time, and pass this tion; I do not even complain of the violence of zeal, bill. Let us reject this adjunct, and so put aside that or censure the promulgation of honest obstinacy, which is calculated only to lead to dissention among however erroneous; but when I behold those manly the friends of that measure, and to triumph among feelings darkened by ignorance and inflamed by pre-its enemies Let us reject that which is calculated judice, and blinded by bigotry, I will not hesitate to to impede the success of the great question--let us disassert, that no monarch ever came to the throne of card what does not properly belong to it, and retain. these realms in such a spirit of direct and predeter-ing only what is precious and invaluable-let us avail nined, and predeclared hostility to the opinions and ourselves, before it be too late, of the opportunity of wishes of the people. I repeat, then, that when that carrying a measure which may restore Ireland to

peace and prosperity, and save England from the perils of a convulsion.

The bill was finally ordered to be read a second time, by about double the majority which the catholic bill received.

THE CORN LAWS.

In the house of lords, on the evening of the 25th April, the earl of Lauderdale rose, and requested to know of the earl of Liverpool, what were the intentions of his majesty's ministers upon the subject of the corn laws? The earl of Liverpool replied, at considerable length. In the course of his remarks, he

said

"With respect to our present situation, as to the law, it was impossible that it could remain permanent. The system, he was perfectly satisfied, must be revised, and some considerable alterations made in it. Many of their lordships would be aware that the price of corn had recently been double in this country to its price on the continent. In 1815, when the present system was adopted, it was argued, for the farmers, and by those who supported the bill, that the price, then fixed, was necessary to secure a reasonable profit to the cultivator. It was then stated that 80s. the quarter was necessary to secure a reasonable profit to the farmer. Having stated thus much, he should not discharge his duty, if he gave any opinion, at present, as to the mode their lordships ought to follow. He would only say, that the question could not be taken into consideration this session, but must be postponed till the future session, and he should wait for that before he gave his opinion as to the course proper to be adopted."

was reduced every year; there really was not enough to supply the country under a dearth. He knew from experience the great effect that a small supply of any commodity had in a market that was overstocked, and the slight effect that a large supply of any commodity had in a market that was not overstocked, and he be, at this present moment, did not believe that the corn-market was overstocked; and he really thought when he took into consideration the increased state of the population, and the great waste of consumption that was generated by the wealth of the country-that, between that period and the next harvest, the price of corn might rise beyond the protecting price, which would at once give room to the admission of the whole glut at present in the granaries on the continent; and the government therefore had come to the resolution of releasing the bonded corn, which had been warehoused for six years, and "He could not refrain from dissenting from of enabling the owners to bring it into the market." the language which had fallen from his honorable friend, the member for Suffolk, who had modestly asked, "Why not let well alone?" (Hear, hear.) "The present law," his honorable friend said, "worked well." He, (Mr. Huskisson), had always understood that the great desideratum, in this important question, was to provide for the steadiness of price, and to guard against excessive fluctuations in it from the vicissitudes of trade. How did the present law provide for these ends? By limiting the markets from which we drew our supplies-by destroying the vent which we should otherwise have for our produce whenever we were blessed with a superabundant harvest-and by exposing us to an alternate fluctuation of high and low prices. To say, of a system, which affected the price of labor and the comforts of the laborer, and which cramped the resources, not only of the manufacturer, but also of the farmer himself-to say of such a system that it worked well, was so completely refuted by the report of 1821, that he was surprised that any man should be bold enough to make it. What did they think of its working well in 1822, when corn was as low as 38s. per quarter-(Hear hear)-when gentlemen came down to the house nightly, to talk of a national bankruptcy, and to proMr. Huskisson said-"After the declaration of his pose the most extraordinary changes in the currency? hon. friend, (Mr. Gooch), that at the present period (Hear) At the present moment it might work well the burthens of the country were considerably dimi--but had the country gentlemen forgotten their own nished--he thought that the time was nearly arrived when that alteration ought to take place. Having said the present time was not the most fit for such an alteration, it was not for him to assert that the whole of the difficulty would be removed by the next session. It was possible that some vent might be obtained for the glut at present in the foreign market. If it should be absorbed, it would remove one great difficulty in meeting the question, if not, he, for one, Jooking at the time, which the present laws had been in operation, and the chance of having better information on the subject next session, would be prepared, when it arrived, to go into the full consideration of it with the view of providing some permanent measure. Difficulties, he was prepared to expect; but they were not such as, in his opinion, might not be overcome."

[This is sufficient to shew what the premier means by "free trade." It is with him a very serious thing to allow even the importation of bread stuffs, (though at half the price at which those produced in Britain are furnished), and requires much time for consideration!]

The following are some extracts from the speech of Mr. Huskisson, in the house of commons, April 28, when a motion to consider the corn laws was under debate-but the house refused to consider it, 187 to

47!

-"He believed it was the intention of the legislature, in 1821, to give to the British farmer a monopoly of the home market, for a certain period, in order to redeem the great losses he had sustained; but, by the commencement of next session, that period would have been sufficiently extended. He could not believe the stock on hand at home to be very great. The accumulation which had been so much spoken of consisted, he believed, of one million of quarters, but there was a difficulty in fixing on the quantity accurately. Some had been wasted, some spoiled, some used, so that the amount of it

misfortunes, their former predictions of ruin to the country, nay, their repeated requests that this system, which now worked so well, should be instantly altered? (Hear, hear.) In two years, the price of corn had varied from 112s. to 38s. per quarter. Such a fluctuation in price, deprived the business of the farmer of all security, and converted it into a business of mere gambling. The bubbles in the shares of mines could not produce more gambling than that to which such fluctuations must necessarily lead."

"There was a great fallacy, in which gentlemen were apt to indulge, by saying that, if the price did fluctuate excessively, they still produce a fair average price! A fair average price! He wondered what this phrase meant, when applied to the pro:isions of the people. He should like to know how any gentleman, who was accustomed to eat a good dinner every day, would like to be kept one week without food and to be supplied the next with twice as much as he wanted. Would he feel satisfied at being told that he had got a fair average quantity of provisions for each day in the two weeks? (Hear, hear, and a laugh.) He thought that the gentleman would not be satisfied-that he would find such an averaging system to be neither wholesome to his constitution nor pleasant to his stomach. (Hear, hear.) But it was said that to withdraw our protection from the manufactures of the country, and to continue it to the corn, was acting upon an erroneous system;

who produced these articles, if the workmen could not procure money to purchase them? Agriculture could not flourish unless all other classes in the country were in prosperity. Commerce and manufactures could not be sustained here, if they met with greater advantages in other countries. The profits now derived from them were smaller than they had been at any former period; and any thing which tended to increase them, would be productive of great benefit. He mentioned this circumstance to prove, that it would be necessary to enter, at a future time, upon the revision of the corn laws; though he maintained, as he had before done, that the present was not the moment for commencing it." "There were other considerations connected with this subject, which, in his opinion, it would be better to leave with the government for the present. There were some countries which still shewed themselves obstinate, and blindly adhered to the old prohibitory system notwithstanding the example set by this country! It was worth consideration, whether it might not be desirable that they should still retain in their hands the means of inducing those countries to alter their system for the better, by excluding their produce from British ports. The places to which he alluded were some of the greatest corn growing countries in Europe; and it might be of some advantage that they should have an opportunity of saying to them, until you aller your system you shall not participate in our fres trade."

he denied this position entirely, and contended that, I case, he would ask, what would be the condition of those reasoning from analogy, in a case like the present, must necessarily lead to an erroneous conclusion. In the first place, we could manufacture cheaper than any other country; but every other country could grow corn cheaper than we could. In the next, we exported 30 millions of cotton annually; and not 30 bushels of corn. Then there was no accumulation of cottons on the continent, but there was an accumulation of corn. When there was an accumulation of cotton, the manufacturer could contract his supply; but could a similar measure be adopted by the agriculturist, when there was an accumulation of corn? Besides these considerations, there were several others, applying to agriculture, and not to manufactures, which were sufficient to convince any impartial man that the argument, founded upon this analogy, was any thing but logical. (Hear, hear.) He was not one of those who wished to lessen the rank which the agriculturists held in the country. To be admitted into that class ought to be the ambition of every man who, by his industry and his talents, had acquired a fortune for his family. He was not disposed to look at the landed interest with a view merely to the proportion it contributed to the public burthens. Seeing that rents were now adjusting themselves to the altered state of the currency, and to the diminished burthens of the country, he would give such a protection as was suited to the present circumstances of the landed interest. But there must be a limit to the price at which they should admit foreign corn. They must, in legislating on the subject, look to that rate of wages depending on the price of corn, which, when it arrived, must have a tendency to drive capital and skill out of the country into foreign states. BY THE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: They could not force them to remain here. They must look to the effect produced on them by the price of labor, and endeavor, by moderating it, to guard against the evil. If the consequence of the high price of labor, arising from a high price of corn, was to drive the manufacturing capital from the country, by which so many millions were employed, there was no class of society that would suffer more by it than the agricultural interest. (Hear.) How did the agriculturists get a market for their produce-how were the manufacturers enabled to pay high prices for it, but in consequence of the high wages they received. At this moment American cotton goods were on their passage to different ports in the Mediterranean, and were selling there at a price at which we could not afford to furnish them to the con

sumer.

Treaty with Colombia.

A PROCLAMATION.

navigation and commerce, between the United States Whereas a general convention of peace, amity, of America and the republic of Colombia, was concluded and signed, at Bogota, on the third day of October, in the year of our Lord one thousand eight hundred and twenty-four; which convention being in the English and Spanish languages, is word for word as follows:†

General convention of peace, amily, navigation and commerce, between the United States of America and the republic of Colombia.

In the name of God, author and legislator of the Universe. If capital had not a fair remuneration here, Colombia, desiring to make lasting and firm the friendThe United States of America, and the republic of it would seek for it in America. To give it a fair re-ship and good understanding which happily prevails muneration, the price of labor must be kept down; between both nations, have resolved to fix, in a manfor, if it were not kept down, the distress it would occasion to the manufacturer would soon revert with tenfold in future be religiously observed between the one ner clear, distinct and positive, the rules which shall force upon the agriculturist. An hon. member had stat- and the other, by means of a treaty or general coned, and almost as if it had been a reproach to them, vention of peace, friendship, commerce and navigathat the workmen of London had roast-beef and tion. plum-pudding on Saturday, Sunday, Monday and Tuesday. He did not mean to assert that they had it United States of America has conferred full powers For this most desirable object, the president of the not, and he had little doubt that they were accustom- on RICHARD CLOUGH ANDERSON, junior, a citizen of ed to wash such dainties down by large draughts of the said states, and their minister plenipotentiary to the ancient and constitutional beverage of the nation, the said republic, and the vice president of the repubbeer. Now he would wish the honorable member, lic of Colombia, charged with the executive power, the next time that he presided at the farmer's club, to on PEDRO GUAL, Secretary of state and of foreign re ask the members of it, whence came the roast-beef, lations, who, after having exchanged their said full the plum-pudding and the beer, on which the work-powers in due and proper form, have agreed to the men banquetted? The answer must be, that they following articles: were all the production of the country; and, that being the

*The reader will please to observe this-Mr. Hus- say to this? It is the very argument that we have *What will the let-us-alone men in the United States kisson is decidedly the friend of "free trade" when always used in support of domestic industry, and the such trade acts as a monopoly in favor of British sub-principle on which the grain-growers of the republie jects! [ED. REG. But it seems there is likely to be "accumulations have for several years acted. of cottons" on the continent, by what the gentleman tates below. IBID.

cannot be useful to one out of an hundred of our reaThe Spanish version is omitted, because that it [ED. REG. ders, and would occupy much room.