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this definition, which is commonly received amongst
us, I take it that our general government is that of a
federal democratie republic, and that you are a federal
democratic "republican"-and, therefore, that the
word "republican" was used by you in the democratie
sense; and, this being the case, I think it quite rea
sonable to suppose that "every republican," could
not be "well satisfied" with the right of instruction by
the people. For the monarchal and aristocratic "republi-
cans" would be opposed to it, by the nature of their
principles; and many of the democratic "republicans"
might object to it, as you and I do, in the arbitrary
sense, from moral and constitutional considerations.
"The people, undoubtedly, possess the right of self-
government;" and it is equally clear to me, that the
people should govern by their representatives, ac-
cording to the constitution and laws of the coun-
try. The correctness of this proposition is strik--
ingly exemplified in the unexampled prosperity and
happiness of this country, in defiance of the con-
stitutional absurdity in the mode of electing the re-
presentatives in the executive and senatorial branch-
es of the government. But whenever the people
depart from the CONSTITUTIONAL rule of government,
and attempt to govern, according to the whims
and caprices of their own fickle, and furious, and
head-long passions, by the "right of arbitrary in-
structions," they will rapidly run into confusion,
anarchy and ruin-and afford to the world the strong-
est proof it has ever yet seen, (many as it has seen
in the downfalls of other governments), of the la-
mentable TRUTH of the assertion, that "THE PEOPLE
ARE THEIR OWN WORST ENEMIES."
I am, with great respect,

pleased with the kind and argumentative manner of it is said, that "we are all federalists, we are all reyour objections to some of my ideas on the subject of publicans," of one sort or other. Now, according to those essays. Permit me to notice one or two of them, and explain the apparent differences between us. I select, as the first and most important, and, perhaps, it is all that requires comment, the second sentence of your second paragraph on the essays: "For, however well satisfied every republican must be, that there are cases and circumstances in which it, (the right of instruction), must necessarily exist, and ought to be exercised-still, there are others in which it would be very difficult, if not utterly impossible, to prescribe the point whereat the right of the constituent should BEGIN and the discretion of the representative should end: For it cannot be proper that the former should force the convictions of the latter, as to what it is his duty to perform, under the special obligations of an oath." Here there is an apparent disagreement, but I think a perfect agreement, between us. I admit the right of persuasive "instruction," in all cases, and you reject that of force, in all cases under the "special obligations of an oath." Now, I am persuaded that all the official acts of a member of congress are acts of duty under the constitution; and, therefore, that each and every one of them, is performed under the special obligation of an oath. For the oath, though general in its terms, is certainly special in its nature, as being applicable to every particular act. Neither the constitution nor the law makes any specification of cases to which it is intended to apply; and I think it would require more casuistry to safely determine upon such cases, than it would subtility to determine the point whereat the right of the constituents should begin, and the discretion of the representative end." Is it not better, then, seeing the impossibility for human faculties to determine accurately and safely in either case, to adopt the manifest constitutional meaning in both, and leave the representatives in the free and unbiased use of reason and conscience, in the performance of their constitutional functions; even if it was a mat1er of constitutional choice, whether they should be so left, as it is not?

Allow me now, if you please, to advert to the word "republican," and endeavor to ascertain its meaning, as used in the above extract. It is said that there are three sorts of mixed "republican" governments: monarchal, aristocratic and democratic; and that they receive one or other of these denominations, just as the principle, to which it applies, is seen to predominate in the composition of the governments. Hence

*For instance-a monarchal republic, is said to be that in which the principle of monarchy prevails as in some of the colonies amongst us before the revolution; and as in the Canadas now.

An aristocratical republic is said to be that in which the principles of aristocracy prevails-as in Virginia, at this moment; where the right of suffrage, which is at once the constituent quality and the sovereign power of a citizen, is limited to the landed aristocracy of a state! where even the white man, who possesses not the proud distinction of a "free-holder," is compelled to endure the degrading one of a political cypher amongst the agrarian units of the state! It is indeed true, that he is permitted to take the place of an unit amongst, or on the left of, the aristocratical cyphers, for the defence and protection of their persons and properties in war-that he is permitted to pay taxes in support of the go crnment which degrades him to the condition of a slave in time of peace and that he is represented in congress, according to the constitution of the United States; and so is the wretched African who toils beside him, and, perhaps, under the lash of his whip, in the field of their common master. But neither the one nor the other can elect, or be elected, to any political 9fice in the state.

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A FEDERAL DEMOCRATIC REPUBLICAN.

"RIGHT OF INSTRUCTION." ESSAY, NO. IV. "Have the state legislatures the right to instruct the senators of the respective states, in the congress of the United States?" May 10, 1825.

SIR: It may be seen that the right of the people to instruct their representatives in congress, was discussed in my essays of the 19th, 22nd and 25th ult. It may, also, be seen in those essays, that I adverted, occasionally, to the exercise of the right by the state legislatures, as the representatives of the people; and I think it is clearly shewn, that neither the people, themselves, nor the state legislatures for them, have even a shadow of right to arbitrarily instruct their representatives in congress. It might not, therefore, at first sight, be thought necessary to trouble you with the discussion of the present question of right. But, this right has been often exercised and never disputed,

How long this foul blotch in the political escutcheon of Virginia, will continue to blemish and canker the political body of the union, is as yet unknown. Many of the wisest and best men in the state are in favor of a constitutional reform-and amongst them is the sage of Monticello, the great and venerable patriarch of democracy, and his illustrious disciples, Madison and Monroe. But there are many in the legislature opposed to it, who are neither the wisest nor the best men in the state-and these have neither talents nor virtues to distinguish them any where: but they are so fond of DISTINCTION, that, rather than be without any at all, they cling, with the utmost pertinacity, to that infamous one which deprives their fellow men of their natural and just rights, and sinks them below the level designed for them by their Maker, in the scale of political beings.

A democratical republic, is said to be that in which the democratic principle predominates-as, in PennIsylvania, where all are equal in political rights.

=

although it is not supported by any provision of the constitution; and is, in my opinion, infinitely more dangerous to the peace and safety of the union, than the pretended right of the people which has just been examined-I have, therefore, thought it worthy of special notice, and of your serious consideration.

states, and the people have no influence or control over them!-not even by the miserable pretension of the "right of instruction!" For this is claimed by the state legislatures, in virtue of their right of election! But a slight examination will shew the absurdity of this claim. The people have, by the constitution, The national legislature consists of two distinct expressly delegated to the state legislatures the right branches the "senate and house of representatives." to appoint their senators in congress. But I can see It was so formed, because reason and experience nothing in that instrument to authorize the inference taught the people and the framers of the constitution that they intended to give to the legislatures the then, as they teach us now, that it would be best to "right of instruction" also. On the other hand, it is have it so. The reasons for it are so plain, and have clearly seen, in the provisions of the constitution, been so often mentioned by the writers upon govern- that the people have delegated to the senators full nents, that it is scarcely necessary to repeat them. powers and authority to legislate for them and in The members of the house of representatives, or their name, upon all subjects that may constitutiondelegates, as they are called, by way of distinction ally come before congress, during the term of six from the senators, are chosen by the people; and years, for which they are elected, without reference are, therefore, called the representatives of the people. to the state legislatures, as to the matter or manner The senators are chosen by the state legislatures; of such legislation, in any case whatever: And this and are, therefore, called the representatives of the act of delegation, as is clearly shewn in the essay No. states! But this is a distinction without a difference. 3, on this subject, prohibits to the legislatures, as well The people are the states and the states are the peo- as to the people, all manner of right to arbitrarily le. There was no class of separate interests, no interfere with, or attempt to control the senators in, orders of distinction to be represented in the senate, the free constitutional exercise of those powers. any more than in the house of delegates. There was, But, it is contended, by the advocates of the right, therefore, no difference in the state of society, at the 1st, that the legislatures are the "states in their potime of the formation of the constitution, that requir-litical capacities; 2nd, that the senators are the reed or authorized the distinction then taken by Mr. presentatives of the states in their political capaciHamilton, in the nature of our federal representation, ties; 3rd, that the senators are, therefore, the repreand, consequently, there was no reason or occasion sentatives of the state legislatures, and, consequently, for the difference then adopted, in the mode of choos- that the legislatures, as constituents, have a right to ing the senators from that of choosing the delegates: instruct the senators, as their representatives in conwhy then were not the senators, as well as the dele-gress. See the Federalist, No. 59, page 372. This, gates, chosen by the people? It was their right to however, is a mere sophism; and was introduced by choose them; and why were they deprived of that Mr. Hamilton, who was a lover of distinctions, as the right? I am persuaded that no man living can assign means of laying the foundation of a distinct order in a rational motive for it. But if there be one who the state. I have already shewn, in this essay, that can, I shall be happy to hear it from him. the right thus assumed, is contrary to the letter and The governments of the states, and that of the spirit of the constitution: and to shew that it is union, are the PEOPLE'S governments. They were equally contrary to the dictates of common sense, it formed by the people for their own benefits; they might only be necessary to remark-1st, that there are supported by the people, and ought to be manag-caunot be an effect without a cause; 2nd, that effects ed by the people and the people alone, by means of are like their causes; 3rd, that there was not a reasonthe direct election of all their principal representa-able cause for giving this right of election to the letives in the legislative and executive departments of gislatures-and, consequently, that it would be conthose governments. For the sovereignty of the people trary to the rules of common sense to infer a reasonable consists in the right of suffrage; and the only rational "right of instruction," from an unreasonable right of way in which they can exercise the sovereign power of election. But, for the sake of the argument, I shall the state, so as to cause their wills to be respected and examine this assumed right, by another process, in a obcyed in the government, is in the election, by them- future essay. selves, of those who represent them in the government. Now, the senators are the representatives of the people in the national legislature; but these representatives of the people are chosen by the legislatures of the

Iam, with great respect,

A FEDERAL DEMOCRATIC REPUBLICAN,

The Farmington Canal.

FROM A CONNECTICUT PAPER.

The services of the day were commenced with prayer, by the rev. Mr. McLean. The declaration of independence was read by the hon. Timothy Pitkin, and an able oration was delivered by Burrage Beach, csq. After which a procession was formed, under the command of general George Cowles, which moved to the north line of the state of Connecticut, and, being composed chiefly of persons in carriages and on horse-back, extended nearly two miles.

*I do not think so. I have always thought that the senate was composed of representatives of the confe- The ceremony of breaking ground for the canal, deration, each state having an equal weight in that took place on the 4th inst. at Salmon Brook village, body, to guard its own sovereignty or peculiar inte-in Granby, in the presence of nearly 3,000 people. rest, and so preserve the union, which was the grand object of the framers of the constitution: the other house is composed of representatives of the people of the several states, according to population, and herein it is that their power is felt. The constitution is made up of concessions and compromises, and with out them it could not have been made at all. We have no wish to disturb any of them. The operation does not always seem to be consistent with the natural tights of man, because that one person may be inested with as much power as many equally wise and good persons, or one state, with one third or one half Fellow-citizens and friends: We are assembled, on less citizens than another state, may have the same this anniversary of our national independence, to number of representatives, or more-but these things perform an interesting ceremony. The time, the cirwill regulate themselves, and there is nothing that cumstances and the object of our meeting, are calencan be so valuable to us as the union of the states lated to awaken recollections and to suggest thoughts and the preservation of harmony among the people peculiarly impressive: The noble enterprise of unitED. Reding the valley of Connecticut with the city of New

J

Previous to commencing the excavation, gov. Wolcott delivered the following address:

Haven, by a navigable canal, is this day to be commenced. To me has been assigned the high honor of first applying the hand of labor, to a work which is itself magnificent, though, as I believe, but the first of a series of like operations which are to combine the resources of an extensive and flourishing country. Under the auspices of an honorable association, which has united talents, wealth and perseverance, and confiding in the skill and intelligence which I see assembled around me, I have repaired to this station, here to manifest my conviction, that scientific investigations have already demonstrated that the enter prise is practicable, and my belief, that the requisite labors will be continued, with the characteristic energy of New-England-men, until the design shall be successfully consummated.

It is impossible to entertain doubts on either of these points; for, permit me to inquire, when, on any former occasions, have the enlightened freemen of this region failed to accomplish their deliberate resolutions? or when has their ardor been subdued by obstacles which it was possible to surmount?

Internal improvements and manufactures-The great sources of national wealth and of real independence. Gov. Wolcott-The patron of canals and all public improvements.

De Witt Clinton-First among the foremost in the great work of canals.

The Erie canal-A project bold in conception; in execution the wonder of the world.

The extension of the Farmington canal through the valley of the Connecticut.

American farmers-The mineralogists who find gold at the root of every herb bearing seed-canals will conduct their produce to the mint.

Among the volunteers was the following-Our Moses Who led the school fund out of Egypt and left it on the top of Nebo.

Legislature of Georgia.

Message of the governor of the state of Georgia, to the legis‐
lature.
EXECUTIVE DEPARTMENT,

Nothing can ever retard the progress of our public Milledgeville, 3d June, 1825. improvements, but foreign war, or domestic dissenThe papers now communicated would have been tions. The first is improbable; the last may possibly laid before you as soon as received, but the measures create some temporary embarrassments: Ignorance to be taken in carrying into effect the wishes of the may excite prejudices; envy may impute mercenary president, depending on the arrival of major general motives; may create sectional jealousies; array the Gaines, then daily expected, it was deemed best to opposition of imaginary counter-interests, or stimu- withhold them until that arrival, when both the views late individual selfishness to withhold necessary fa- of the general government, and the measures consecilities, unless accompanied with exorbitant remu-quent upon them, could be fully disclosed. It being nerations for surrendering them. understood, however, that much public anxiety is No sinistrous events are, however, expected in this manifested for their publication, they are transmitted quarter; and such have been recited merely as con- to you. You will perceive, by those views, that if the trasts to the course of conduct which will be here ex-general government, assuming the exclusive right to hibited.

Relying on the efficient aid, the sound sense, and the patriotic views of the people among whom their operations are to be conducted, this association will proceed with ardent hopes and an untiring spirit.

Philosophy has proved that animal vigor and health depend on the constantly reciprocating action of muscles, nerves, veins and arteries: Intellectual excitement is promoted by the activity of social intercourse. This intercourse is elevated and refined as it progresses through populous cities, flourishing towns and prosperous villages, until it vivifies the minutest ramifications of civilized life.

Experience has proved that the interests of science, agriculture, arts, commerce and manufactures are correlative; that they are mutual aids to public industry, and the prosperity and power of states and

expound and carry into effect the treaty of the Indian Springs, shall persist in giving to it the construction which is to be found in the letter of the secretary of war, and elsewhere, it would have been better for all parties that the treaty had never been concluded; for it is quite obvious to you, that, admitting the power and the construction, the execution of it may be indefinitely postponed at the will of the United States. According to that will, we are not to survey the country, because the hostile Indians who opposed the treaty, have also opposed the survey; they continue to oppose both treaty and survey, and to conduct themselves in the most hostile and offensive manner.The hostile Indians would prohibit us from passing to and fro through the country, and the prohibition would be equally reasonable; the act of survey, so far as regards the security and peace of the Indians under the treaty, is as innocent as the act of passing to and fro. Whilst, therefore, by the treaty, we have the absolute title to the soil, and the absolute jurisdiction, with the reservation merely of temporary And, while in unison with our countrymen, from occupation by the Indians, and of power in the Unit Maine to Missouri, we peal anthems of gratulations in ed States to protect them in their persons and effects, honor of the festival which constituted us a great na- the right of survey, even when the consent of those tion, may we not indulge a hope, that this day will who ceded the country is denied to us; and this denial also witness the commencement of an equally dura- founded on an assertion utterly destitute of truth, ble work, which will add to the strength and security viz-that the troubles in the nation have been caused of this community, and attach another link to that by the act of this government, which procured the chain which surrounds and binds together the re- consent to survey the country. In the absence of all sources and interests of our beloved country? other testimony, to show that these troubles had their With such hopes and feelings, I now proceed to per-origin in other, and very different causes, it is suffiform the duty which has been assigned to me.

nations.

The present period appears to be the fulfilment of a divine prediction, that "many shall run to and fro, and knowledge shall be increased."

On concluding the address, the governor began the ceremony of digging, in which he was assisted by the president of the canal company.

The business, of course, was concluded in the true American style, by a plentiful participation in the good things of this life. Among many others, the foltoasts were drunk:

Congress and the state legislatures-May each be confined to constitutional landmarks.

cient to inquire what assignable connection exists between the survey of the country, and the hostility of the Indians? The survey could neither expedite

or retard the removal of the Indians; the Indians were not certain that, even with their consent, the survey would be attempted. Surely, therefore, if this had been the cause of excitement the Indians would have waited the event. It is conceivable that the cession of the lands might have produced hostilities-but failing to do so, it is inconceivable how the consent to survey them, which had no relation to their

eventual surrender and abandonment, could produce an extra session should be called. Now that you are that effect. The object of the government of Geor-assembled, and in progress upon public affairs of gia in procuring the consent, was not to settle the deepest interest, it is attempted most unexpectedly to country one day sooner than the provisions of the cross and embarrass you; but the legislature is not to treaty would authorize; but, in surveying the country, be frightened from its duty by an angry look. I invite to save the time consumed in that operation, to ex-you to proceed, therefore, in the course which you tend its laws over it, and to settle it immediately on have taken, and, keeping strictly on the side of right, the departure of the Indians; and this was of the more and within the pale of the constitution and the laws, importance, because the government was to expect you will, under the most adverse circumstances, find in a short time the arrival of their civil engineer, and the most cheering consolations. You cannot thus as that was to be the field of his first and most interest-proceed without the countenance and support of your ing operations, it was necessary to place him there constituents, and I doubt not they will be readily yieldunder the guardianship and safety of our own laws.ed. If it be possible, which I do not permit myself to But so it happens, that this act of survey, in which believe, that a certain person, filling a certain station, no body before ever saw harm or cause of offence, is stands in the way of the peace and harmony which suddenly magnified into an evil prolific of all other ought ever to subsist between this and the general evils, and this merely because the government of the government, and on this account valuable interests United States is so informed by its agent-that agent are endangered, that person will retire instantly, and who stands conspicuously charged as the prime mo- with much more pleasure than he ever occupied that ver and instigator of them all-who opposed the treaty station. from the beginning-protested against it to the last, foretold the mischiefs which were to come of it, and G. M. TROUP. is yet the confidential, trusty and impartial witness, upon whose dictum the United States' government accuses the executive government of Georgia. The executive of Georgia will not retort the accusation

No. 1.

Correspondence between the special agent of the United
States and gov. Troup, at Milledgeville.

spatches from the secretary of war for your excel-
Milledgeville, Geo. May 31, 1825.
Sin: I have the honor to send you herewith, de-
lency, received by me on the 20th instant, at Wash-
ington.

now handed to you, that I have been appointed, by the I presume you will be informed, by the despatches president of the United States, to examine into certain implied charges against col. Crowell, the Indian agent, contained in your excellency's letter to the president, of the

specific character, made by Chilly McIntosh and other instant, as well as others of a direct and chiefs of the Creek nation, at Washington. To enable me to perform this delicate and responsible trust with effect, I have the honor to request that you will be pleased to furnish me with any charges and specifications which you may have to make against the officer referred to, accompained by any evidence in your excellency's possession relating thereto, or references to the sources whence such evidence may be derived.

it will not say that the government of the United States is responsible, in the sight of heaven and of the world, for the crimes, (if any), committed by the agent-because the government of Georgia is not in the practice of thus treating the government of the United States-but it must be permitted to say, distinctly, that, upon the naked information and advice of the agent, the government of the United States has suffered itself so far to enter into the views, and to adopt the feelings of the agent in relation to the late events connected with the treaty, as to have given already expositions to two of its important articles, most palpably erroneous, and unwarranted by the letter or spirit of either. The one is, of that article which cedes absolutely the territory, and, therefore, of course, cedes the jurisdiction-the other, of that which stipulates the payment of money to the Indians. Of the first, enough has been said for a message; of the second, it is sufficient to say, that the United States' government has given such a construction to this article, that the hostile Indians, those which remain, as fort to restore the Creek Indians to a state of tranHaving also instructions to lose no time in an ef well as those which remove, will share equally with quility, (the president having, in the mean time, as the friendly Indians, the money stipulated to be paid your excellency has been informed, taken prompt and by it. The money is not given in consideration of energetic measures to provide against every event or the lands-the consideration of them is other lands, emergency), and knowing the great anxiety of the acre for acre, in fee simple--the money is given ex-president of the United States and of the secretary of pressly for improvements abandoned, losses suffered by removal, and to defray the expenses of removal. That portion of the tribe which will not remove, is to share it with that which does remove. This, to be sure, is no concern of ours-but you will see, by the letter of general Chilly McIntosh, that, if this construction is persisted in, the consequences may be of the most deplorable character-a gross breach of treaty on the one side, a consequent refusal to comply on the other. Power enough on the one, to enforce compliance-on the other, weakness, innocence, wretchedness and woes innumerable.

war, to consult the wishes of the people of Georgia and of your excellency, in relation to the unfortunate disturbances in the Creek nation, I have the honor to request, also, that you will be pleased to favor me with any information or suggestions which may enable me to fulfil, if possible, the object of my visit; assuring you, at the same time, that they shall receive all that respect and attention, to which, coming from so high a source, they will be so justly entitled.

formation which you may be pleased to possess me Should your charges against the agent, (or any inPermit me to add, that there is something strange ercise a discretionary power vested in me, (unless the of), demand it, I have to inform you that I shall exand inexplicable in this conduct of the general gover-excitement among the Indians forbid it), by suspendment to the chief magistrate of Georgia. day of March last, my application to the Indians for pleasure of the president be expressed. It will, howOn the 31sting the agent from all his functions, until the further permission to survey the country, and my intention, if that application succeeded, to convene the legislature, were made known to the president. Although one communication at least was subsequently received from the war department, not one word was said in objection to the survey. If any had been made, I would have discussed it calmly and temperately; and 1, in the result, I had found myself in the wrong, it would have been a question whether for other objects

ever, be evident to your excellency, that I should not stand justified in pursuing so decided a course, ou light grounds, towards a gentleman who has hereto fore enjoyed the full confidence of the government. The known high sense of justice of your excellenny will be satisfied too, should such a report appear necessary, it would be due to colonel Crowell to placs him, immediately, in possession of the charges made against him, that he may be enabled to defend him

self before his government, with as little delay as pos

sible.

With the highest respect, I have the honor to be, your excellency's most obedient servant,

T. P. ANDREWS, special agent.
His ex. Geo. M. Troup, governor of Georgia,
Milledgeville, Geo.

EXECUTIVE DEPARTMENT,
Milledgeville, 31st May, 1825.

necessary; to march, also, such portions of the regu lar force as may be convenient to the scene of opera tions, and to take command of the whole. By his instructions, he will be ordered to repel any hostile at tempt that may be made by the Indians on the people of Georgia, and to chastise them by measures of rea taliation for such attempt, till their sufferings and submission shall entitle them to clemency. If their violence has been limited to their own tribe, the course to be pursued is not without its embarrass

Sia: Immediately on the receipt of your communi-ments. The government of the United States, since eation of this date, I proceeded, in compliance with the wishes of the general government, to charge the agent superintending the affairs of the Creek Indians,

with

Ist. Predetermined resolution to prevent the Indians, by all the means in his power, from making any cession of their lands in favor of the Georgians, and this from the most unworthy and most unjustifiable of all motives.

its establishment, has, in no case, it is confidently be lieved, forcibly interposed in the intestine feuds of the Indians. They have limited their interference to good offices and friendly advice. To depart from this policy, strengthened by time and the approbation of the American people, involves a high and delicate responsibility. On the other hand, to surrender the Indians, friendly to the views of the United States, to the unrestrained ferocity of the hostile party, is too shocking to humanity to permit. Amid these oppos ing difficulties, the general is instructed to enter the You are referred to the documents connected with territory of the Creeks, and extend protection to the my late message to the legislature, and to the testi-friendly party, but not commit hostilities on the Inmony disclosed and to be disclosed, before the committee charged with the investigation of the subject so which they relate, and which are submitted to you. Respectfully, your obedient servant,

2dly. With advising and instigating in chief the death of McIntosh and his friends.

To major Andrews,

G. M. TROUP.

Special agent of the U. S. Milledgeville.

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No. 2.

Correspondence with the secretary of war.

dians, unless provoked thereto by acts, on their part, which may justify such hostilities. A special mes senger will be despatched to Milledgeville, on Friday, at farthest, with general Gaines' instructions.

The president, not yet being informed of the mea sures adopted by your excellency, cannot, at this time, take any step thereon. Your promised communication will relieve him from this difficulty, and immediately on its arrival will receive his prompt attention.

DEPARTMENT OF WAR, May 18, 1825. SIR: In answer to your several letters received at this department on the 15th and 17th inst. I am instructed by the president to express his deep regret at the deaths of general McIntosh and the other Creek chiefs, and the shocking circumstances with which they were attended. While your excellency is understood to ascribe the cause of these events to the criminal conduct of the agent, he, by despatches received some few days past, states to this department that your purpose of entering upon and surveying their territory, as made known by your proclamatron, had produced in the chiefs, who received it when assembled in general council, for the purpose of receiving their annuity, feelings of melancholy and great distress. Exceptions to your measures were then taken by them: they declared their assent had never been given, and that it had not been asked.cellency to communicate them. Those exceptions were communicated by the agent in the letter above referred to, together with the request of the chiefs that the government would interpose its authority, and put a stop to the contemplated survey.

I am instructed to say to your excellency, that the the president expects, from what has passed, as well as from the now state of feeling among the Indians, that the project of surveying their territory will be abandoned by Georgia, till it can be done consistently with the provisions of the treaty.

From the charges made by your excellency, and the deputation here, against the agent, major An drews, possessing, from his high character, the full confidence of the executive, has been deputed to the agency to inquire into these charges and to adopt the course, in reference to the agent, which he may deem best calculated to promote the public service.

Major Andrews is the bearer of the despatches to general Gaines, and as he will pass through Milledgeville, if you have any facts calculated to criminate the agent, an opportunity will be furnished your exI have the honor to be, your obedient servant,

JAMES BARBOUR, His ex. G. M. Troup, gov. of Georgia, Milledgeville.

EXECUTIVE DEPARTMENT, Whatever cause may have produced the disturbanMilledgeville, June 3d, 1825. ces and bloodshed which followed so soon upon the SIR: I have received, by major Andrews, your let breaking up of that council, has now become a matter ter of the 18th ultimo. The dispositions manifested of very surbordinate consideration, compared with by your government to do right in all the matters conthe means necessary to be adopted to prevent their nected with the subject of my late communication, are 1epetition. Remote from the theatre of action, with only in accordance with my just expectations. I am but little information, and that uncertain, (for we happy that, in the general, the measures deemed have not a word from the agent), as to the extent of best appear to be appropriate and judicious. Pardon the designs of the Indians, or the scale on which their me for making an exception. In searching the ar operations will be conducted, the president has deem-chives of your office, you will find, at divers times, ed it advisable, and has ordered accordingly, general and on various occasions, representations made on Gaines, distinguished alike for his military skill and the conduct of the agent, all or any of which should for his discretion, now in Georgia, to repair forthwith to Milledgeville, for the purpose of consulting with your excellency on the measures proper to be adopted in reference to the actual pasture of affairs on his arrival. To him a discretion has been given, if in his judgment the occasion requires it, to call on you for such portion of the militia of Georgia, to be placed in the service of the United States, as he thinks

have disqualified him as a competent witness against the government of the state of Georgia. On the res cent one of the ratification of the treaty of the Indian Springs, yourselves pronounced upon that incompetency in terms not to be mistaken. The agent protested against the treaty; the president submitted it to the senate, and the senate ratified it in contempt of that protestatio... F' a single declarati a of the nyni

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