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"Commerce" was the great stalking-horse in the east, that political power might pass out of the hands of those who then held it-and now it is "slavery or no slavery," to use the language of gov. Troup and others, that is to be the rallying word in the south! It is no more intended to disturb the last than it was to destroy the former. Indeed, every body disavows a right in the government, and there is no disposition in the people, to interfere with the "slave question," as it now stands, unless in the way of friendly suggestion and disinterested advice and yet this black subject is broached to cause an agitation, which, if ever it goes beyond fulminating words, can tend only to the swift destruction of the intemperate authors

I may, hereafter, examine the pretences on which this clamor is attempted to be raised, and endeavor to point out the object of it; but, at present, prefer the demonstration of two facts-1st, that the people of the "free states" CANNOT be jealous of the slave holding states;" or possess a wish to "intermeddle" with them, for the acquisition of political power, because they have all which they need already, or soon must possess it, without any effort; and, 2ndly, shew it to be the unquestionable PECUNIARY INTEREST of the former that the latter shall remain as they are. If these things are established-and that they will be I have no manner of doubt, we shall be at a loss to find out any other motive to operate on the people of "free states." and justify the suspicion of what is so broadly and foolishly, if not also wickedly, set forth, by political fire-brands in the south, to disturb the public repose.

ed, that Mr. King believes the public funds may be rightfully used to purchase, emancipate and remove the slaves, surely the "free states," which haye a much deeper interest in these funds than the "slave states," (on account of their superior population and excess of contributions to the public purse), ought to be the first to complain of it-and especially so, when I shall shew it is the pecuniary interest of the people of the "free states" that slavery should exist in the south, as at present it does. I am not myself favorable to Mr. King's project, on several accounts-but it will be time enough to consider it when the public debt is paid off, and we are at a loss to know what to do with our money!

As to the second, it is most clearly shewn that Mr. Wirt not only did not use the words imputed to him; but he expressly declared, that, as to the case before the court, he had no instruction from the government whatever!

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Not being of those who have abused the people of the south, on account of their slaves, or one of the few that wildly have talked of a general emancipation, as proper to be brought suddenly about, I hope that they, for whom I feel most interested, will patiently read and carefully consider the momentous facts which I shall respectfully submit to them-being conscious that I have not intended, in the least, to misrepresent or distort any thing connected with the matters under examination; nor, on a cautious review of the subject, do I see any reason to believe that I am mistaken. It is perfectly known to every reader of the REGISTER, that I am entirely opposed to slavery and the slave system, whether of white men, black men, by virtue of the laws of England, France and many other European nations, and those of the United States--yet, that I have never agitated or disturbed "the question" as it now rests. On the contrary, to the best of my abilities, I have vindicated and defended this class of my fellow-citizens against the unprincipled attacks of British writers, whose ances tors it was that forced this curse on their southern colonies in America, which, it is to the glory of Virginia, that she resisted before the revolution. And as to a general or sudden emancipation, in the present condition of the slaves, without the removal of those emancipated, I regard it as chiefly another phrase to express an idea of extermination: for, admitting that the blacks might be freed and retain their present location, without its being necessary that the whites should destroy them, for the defence of their own persons and property, which I do not believe is probable-experience has shewn us that their numbers will rapidly decline, through their improvidence and want of knowledge how to take care of themselves. As I have observed, on another occasion, Malthus never thought of such a "check to population," and yet it is a powerful one. The bills of mortality for New York, Philadelphia, Baltimore, &c. always show an excess proportion of deaths among the free blacks, whether compared with the amount of the white population in these cities, or the few slaves that may be in them, or such as are located elsewhere. Those matters, however, do not come up for discussion at this time, and I only refer to them to express my opinion, that any scheme for a general emancipation, which does not, also, take in a project for colonization, or at least of removal, is hostile to the safety of the free population, and must needs abridge the duration of the lives of those on whom it is intended to confer a benefit. It is possible, that "a man had bet selves," be again set up by a mad-fool and traitor in the east or some other like madman and traitor in The effect on the welfare of the people of this the south, were now to cry out, the Potomac the boun union is the same, whether the inscription, "the dary the commercial and manufacturing states by them Potomac the boundary--the negro states to themselves

It may be well, however, just, to mention the pre-under the ordinances of the "holy alliance," or of tences on which this clamor is founded, if foundation it can be said to have at all, except in the disturbed imaginations of those who make it. The first is the resolution of Mr King, submitted to the senate, and expressive of his opinion, that, after the public debt is paid, the proceeds of the sales of the public lands should be appropriated to the emancipation and removal of such slaves, as by the laws of the several states may be respectively allowed and the second is, certain expressions, imputed to Mr. Wirt, attorney general of the United States, and said to have been used by him in discussing a case before the supreme court. As to the first-the project of "emancipation and removal" is substantially as old as the first term of Mr. Jefferson's administration, and has three times been pressed on the consideration of the general government by the legislature of Virginia!-and its principle is the same as that on which the "American Colonization society" is now acting!!-and yet this society is a great favorite with many of the chief slave-holders in the United States!!! And, as to expending the public money for such purposes, it is now really done in the protection afforded by the navy to the colony at Liberia. This has never been objected to, but, believe, universally approved of. The amount of the cost or of the services rendered to the colonists, does not affect the principle. If the arm of the United States can be rightfully extended one inch, or a cent of the public money be expended, for the protection and support of this colony, the whole military force of the nation, and all its surplus funds, may be devoted to a similar object, under the direction of Congress. But congress has no right to interfere with property in slaves; and the men that would seriously think of it, ought to be ranked in the same class of agitators that I am reproving, except that the motive might be more praise-worthy. And if it be object

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*That is, as to the aid of the general government, in removing the emancipated.

Whole No.

From the

Majority in free status.

census of in congress. "free states." "slave holding favor of the

From the

states."

1790

105

" 52

47

800

142

78

61

1810

186

106

80

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ter be dead than alive," but the surest and best By the proof of comfortable living is the duration of life; and comfort depends as much on a peculiar construction of the mind as in personal convenience-the value of the last is more determined by the action of the mind than by the enjoyment of the body. Population of what are called the "free states," in 1830* 225 1790-to wit, Massachusetts, (including Maine), As to the power of the states in the senate:-The New-Hampshire, Rhode-Island, Connecticut, Ver- "free states" are Maine, New-Hampshire, Massachumont, New-York, New-Jersey, Pennsylvania and setts, Rhode-Island, Connecticut, Vermont, NewDelaware, 2,027,248 York, New-Jersey, Pennsylvania, Delaware, Ohio, " 49,254 Indiana and Illinois, 13-shewing a present majority of two states. Michigan will, probably, be added be1,977,994 fore 1830, to this class of states, and Arkansas or Florida may be so to the other. After these, no additions can be made to the "slave states;" but several new "free states," fronting on both banks of the Mississippi, north of Illinois and Missouri, may be expected to rise up in a very few years.

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It is not worth while, however, to look forward beyond 1830-for the "free states" will then have a positive majority in the house of representatives of the the same. United States, equal to one half of the whole force of the "slave-holding states" in that body. What greater degree of political power can be asked than this, when backed by such a vast superiority of physical strength, if it should be thought proper to disturb the slave question, or determine any other matter by considerations growing out of real or supposed oppositions of interest between the two classes of states? It is idlenay, it is wicked, to encourage the idea that the "free states" are jealous of the political power of the "slaye states." They may have been, but cannot now be.

1,693,078
648,437

1,244,641

4,367,598
1,528,452

2,839,136

Yet there are other and very important matters to be seriously considered, as having direct relation to the imposing facts above presented, to shew the march of political, as well as of moral and physical" power, if either shall ever be brought to bear upon the "slave question," which IIeaven forbid! except in 5,500,000 the way of friendly counsel and generous assistance, if the first be deemed acceptable or the second is required. Missouri, Kentucky and Maryland cannot long have a deep interest in slaves as property, and, in general, they are unprofitable in these states, as they must necessarily be in any section of our country that 134,170 is manufacturing, commercial or grain-growing; for

4,700,000

857,519

1,750,000

Now let us look at the progress of the power of representation, in those different classes of states:

SLAVERY IS DIRECTLY OPPOSED TO THE COMMON PROSPERITY OF A PEOPLE ENGAGED IN EITHER OF THOSE PURSUITS. This is easily demonstrated by the single fact, 733,353 that free labor can be hired, in the "free states," by 2,388,000 the year, for the interest of the money vested in slaves, (at 13,000 the 3,600,000 the high prices which they have brought for the cultivation of cotton and sugar), and the cost of clothing 375,000 and taking care of them! And if, to this plain matter of 1,470,000 fact, we add the "tear and wear" of slaves, the losses 2,500,000 in them by diseases and death, and the subsistence of those necessary to keep up the stock and who are not fitted for the field, we shall easily arrive at the conclusion, that any given quantity of labor, suited to the constitution and habits of the free whites, can be *The "probable population" is taken from some performed at a less expense by them than by slavescalculations made in this paper-see Vol. XXII, page and besides, when a farmer does not want his free 311; and considerable faith is placed in their near- laborers, he may discharge them, but the slaves muist ness to what the result of the census will shew as the be kept and maintained all the year round. These amount and location of the people of the United States remarks are applicable to every business in which the in 1830, from the success that attended similar cal- white man labors for himself, either on his own culations, prospectively made, as to the population farm or in his own manufactory or work-shop; and in 1820. If any thing unexpected has happened since it is presumed that no one will venture to question these facts were presumed, (July 1822), it is decid- the force of the proposition, because it is nakedly. edly in favor of a greater augmentation of persons in and plainly an obstinate truth. If, therefore, the the "free states"-because in them it is, that all, or four great interests of our country, the farming, the nearly all, the great internal improvements are mak-planting, the manufacturing and the commercial ALL ing, new manufactories established, &c. which, it is prosper, slave labor will be perpetually pressing into needless to say, mightily increase a people, by fur- the second and excluding from the other three, as surely nishing the means of their subsistence, which encourages marriage, and does away the fear of having. families to support.

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been so.

as men shall pursue that which is most profitable to them. What irresistible proof of this momentous fact do we need? Look at the world!-the freest nations are the most prosperous and powerful; they always have Place Greeee against Asia in old times, and Great Britain against Russia in the present day. What were, or are, herds of dronish slaves compared with bee-like communities of freemen? And, for a more familiar example, what is the production of enslaved Ireland, compared with the freer mistress kingdom, England? Yet the Irish are not less industrious or less capable of labor than the English-but they want those stimulants to industry which the hope of bettering one's condition so abundantly supplies. The slave is only a laboring-machine, not to be moved by a zeal to excel, for to excel will not benefit him any thing "Tis sufficient that he does his day's work, and has no thought for the morrow He has no hope. His opinion is settled that he will always be a slave.

cotton and sugar, because that they cannot come into competition with the free laborers for the production of grain, as mechanics or manufacturers, or to engage in commercial businesses. Kentucky is conditioned very much like Missouri, but will chiefly become a manufacturing state. Thousands of slaves are exported annually from Maryland. Their number has increased only 4,000 since 1790. The cultivation of tobacco, which has been their main business, cannot be extended, for it is found that the demand cannot be increased; and in Ohio and Pennsylvania, those kinds of tobacco, which have been most profitable to the Maryland planters, begin to be extensively raised by the hands of freemen-and they can raise it cheaper than we do by slaves. Maryland, besides, is rapidly increasing in manufacturing establishments, and nothing but these, supported by commerce, will prevent a decrease of her population. The fact is, that the small increase we have had, may be said to be WHOLLY confined to those districts in which there were, and To apply these things to the condition of the states are, very few slaves. For instance, Baltimore, Fredejust named Missouri will probably be the first of rick and Washington counties had 109,300 inhabithem to enact laws for the extinction of slavery, not- tants in 1790, of whom, 15,598 were slaves, Charles, withstanding there was so great a desire to introduce St. Mary's and Prince George's had, in the same year, it. The admission of slaves has naturally checked 54,056, of whom 28,148 were slaves-the first three the immigration of free laboring whites, and, no counties shewed an increase of 50,500, by the cendoubt, kept away tens of thousands of those classes sus of 1820, of which increase only 4,000 was of of society which are, not only specially advantageous slaves-whereas the three last counties exhibited an to new states, but indispensable to the prosperity actual decrease of 4,500, of which decrease one halfof every society. A nation of kings, lords, masters, was in the slaves. [It is thus also in Virginia. The Jawyers, doctors or priests, would be a very con- slave population either checks or drives out the free temptible one; but a nation of ploughmen, mechanics white-as is shewn by a comparison of the different and artizans, will command respect-for they have censuses. Unless for the increase in the counties free souls and strong arms! The press of popu- that have not many slaves, both Maryland and Virlation to Missouri was immediately stopped on the ginia would have made but little advance in white admission of slaves; and it now halts in Ohio, Mi- population for the last thirty years. This is capa-chigan, Indiana or Illinois, except that small part ble of demonstration from official documents. †] It is which, chiefly from the southern Atlantic states, goes to Alabama and Florida-but these last are not the The first class of states are what may be called tohives" to supply inhabitants for new lands; and bacco or rice planting, though, latterly, in North-Cathat part of the free people who leave them are those rolina, large quantities of cotton have been raised, Avhom they can the worst spare. Missouri is a grain- and some also in Virginia. The second class are the growing state-it also abounds in minerals; it will be- cotton or sugar planting; and the rush of the slave come a manufacturing state, and great efforts are mak-population into them is fearfully great. The three ing to open and extend a valuable commerce between first had five sevenths of the whole slave population in It and the interior provinces of Mexico. If either of 1790, but, in 1820, they had less than one half. The these succeed and become profitable, (and we hope that each of them may), the inevitable consequence will be an influx of population from the "free states;" and, if the present majority of the people are really in favor of the slave system, as adapted to their wants or promotive of their interests, (a matter very much to be doubted), they will soon be over-ruled by the new Immigrants, whose principles, or prejudices, are opposed to it, and who are desirous also of preserving the DIGNITY OF LABOR, by the exclusion of slaves. Very few slaves are now introduced into Missouritheir transport is to the south,* for the cultivation of

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last had only a little more than one sixth of that population in 1790, but more than one third of the whole in 1820. They will probably have nearly one-half in 1830.

There are a good many slaves in Kentucky and Tennessee-in 1810, 125,000, and in 1820, 206,000. The next census will, probably, shew no increase in Kentucky, but a considerable increase in Tennessee, because of the cultivation of cotton in the latter. The other cotton growing states will exhibit a tremendous increase,

*It is worthy of remark, that the whole export of tobacco has been rather decreased than increased in the last thirty years-see the commercial table, paga 329. In the years 1791 and 1792, we exported 213,700 hhds and, in 1823 and 1824, 116,892-and, yet, the two last years shew a greater export than any other two succeeding years, for twenty years past, by many thousand hhds.

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Not necessary to dwell on these facts and suggestions. I have been forced into consumption, and that every The operation of them will be as steady to bring nook and corner of the world has been examined to about a decreased interest in slaves, in the states above named, as the progress of the waters of the Mississippi to the sea is certain. Gov. Troup has noticed the effect as to Maryland, in his message of the 7th June, see page 377-but Missouri, and, probably, Kentucky, will precede Maryland, in the way that so sensibly moves him.

get a market for them. The demand cannot be greatly increased, but the supply may be increased several thousand fold! The fact already is, that a large crop in the U. States may produce less money than a small one, because of a glut in the European market. As it has been, so it will be. Let those interested look to it. From Mobile, Nashville &c. we hear that the crops in Alabama, Tennessee, &c. will be greatly increased-in the latter it is supposed that it will be doubled. And, strange as the declaration may appear to those who have not been accustomed to regard the effects of scarcity and supply, it is easy to believe, that, if one third of the growing crop in the United States shall be destroyed by the rol, that the other two thirds may produce a much larger sum of money than the whole crop, if preserved, will sell for. And further, there is a greatly increased cultivation in North Carolina, and Virginia cotton" will appear in future Liverpool prices current.

Many planters in the south have long been per

Again-when we regard the progress of population in the south, (deficient as it is, compared with the more vigorous growth of the north and north-west), we must pay especial attention to the invaluable advantages which it has derived from the cultivation of cotton, which has become the great staple export article of the United States, within a very few years rising from nothing, in 1790, to almost two hundred millions of pounds, which it will probably reach in the present year! It is as plain as that the sun shines at noon day, that the success which has attended the planting of this valuable commodity, has mainly contributed to the increase of population and wealth in the south, not only as to slaves, but by inducing thou-fectly convinced of the truth of what is stated in the sands of persons, from the east, to locate themselves there, who would not otherwise have thought of such a migration. This fact admitted, and it must be admitted, the question occurs-Is it possible that the cultivation and product of cotton can be kept up and INCREASED with the ratio that it has maintained for the last twenty arears? IT IS NOT POSSIBLE. No one can believe that it is. The truth is, that more cotton than the demand required was already produced, and the business of raising it had become a bad one, before the occurrence of certain late events in South America opened a new market, which is already glutted with a year or two's supply; and cotton will fall back to what was its lowest price a short time ago. There is no new world to take the surplus quantity; and yet, even in the United States, a five hundredth part of the Fand fitted for its cultivation has not been brought into use for it! Besides, there is Mexico, Colombia, Brazil, Buenos Ayres, Chili and Peru, in all which it may be produced, and to any extent. These countries are just liberated, and the people will, consequently, become industrious. In addition, there is renovated Egypt, and, soon to be added, emancipated Greece. From the first, not one bale was exported 4 or 5 years ago-but last year it furnished 50,000 bales for the European market, and this year, it is supposed, that 90,000 or 100,000 will be exported! But Greece, and her beautiful islands, is able nearly to supply the consumption, if not the manufacture, of Europe-that is, she has lands and labor enough for it, and nothing but "liberty and safety" is wanting for that purpose; for, from one little spot, the valley of Seres, in Macedonia, nearly 100,000 bales were annually exported some years since, even under Turkish extinctions of industry! It is useless to pursue this subject-the manufacture of cotton must now have received nearly its ultimate perfection from scientific power. It is spun, warped, woven, printed or stamped, by machinery; there is no great desideratum about it-all is so nearly accomplished, that improvement cannot go much further: it is thus, by their cheapness, that cotton goods

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the same time. Maryland and Virginia, in 1790, had one fifth of the whole free population of the republic; but, in 1820, they had only one ninth Virginia shews an increase of only 160,000 free

preceding remarks. He, who knoweth the heart, well knows that I feel nothing like pleasure in saying, that the south has had its day of prosperity-that it cannot grow and increase in population and wealth as it hath done, by the growth and increase of cot ton planting and production. South Carolina, Georgia, Alabama, Louisiana, Mississippi, and a part of Tennessee, whose population is very small, compared with that of the rest of the states, have, for many years, furnished a greater value for export than the whole of the other members of the republic supplied, including the products of the forest, of the sea, of agriculture, and of manufactures and the mechanic arts! But what of all this? Is even the wealth of the nation located in the south? We know that the strength is not. Both are in the industrious east or thrifty middle and west, notwithstanding the grand monopoly which soil and climate gave to the south. It will be so-it must be so, because of the elastic industry and adventurous spirit that naturally prevails in a free and unincumbered people. For the proofthe valuation of the lands and houses of New York and Pennsylvania in 1815, under the United States' assessments, (the principle of which was the same in all the states), was more than six hundred millions of dollars, whereas the aggregate valuation of the lands and houses, and that of more than a million of slaves added thereto, in the states of Maryland, Virginia, North Carolina, South Carolina, Georgia, Kentucky and Tennessee, was less than five hundred and twenty millions, or nearly one sixth less. And, if the per

*144 millions of pounds, exported in 1822, were valued at 24 millions of dollars-but 173 millions of pounds, in 1823, were worth only 20 millions of dollars; the larger quantity yielding one-sixth less than the smaller!

†The area of the two states named, compared with the united areas of the seven other, is very small; and their aggregate population, in 1810, was, 1,770,000; whereas that of the seven states was 3,240,000. What a difference!

In 1791, the lands and improvements of Pennsylvania were valued at 165 millions-but those of Virginia, and all her slaves, at only 71. And in 1815, litthe Connecticut was put down at 88 millions, while

whites in 30 years, but even densely popular as the large state of South Carolina, with her slaves,

sachusetts had an increase of 150,000 in
time, notwithstanding the vast migrations that have
been made from the last named state, whose ter-
ritory is small, soil poor and climate severe! But
the stock for increase was only 373,000, whereas that
of Virginia was 442,000-so Massachusetts has in-
creased much more rapidly than Virginia.

was valued at no more than 74 millions. By the state assessment of 1824, the dwelling houses and lands of Connecticut were valued as follows

29,778 dwelling houses

20,267,383

2,606,789 acres of land, averaged at $19.64, 51,228,308

$71,495,691

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sonal property-say in all articles raised, produced or obtained, for consumption, sale or barter-the utensils and tools of the farmers and mechanics and their stocks on hand, the machinery of the manufacturers --the ships and other vessels belonging to, and the goods in the hands of, the merchants and dealers the amount of money that the whole have actually invested in public securities or stocks, or on hand-their household furniture and other conveniences, of the people of the "free states," were compared with the like species of property belonging to those of the south, the value of the one would, no doubt, eight or ten times exceed that of the other! The reasons for this are as numerous as they are manifest, and I shall mention only one of them. The "free states" abound with small proprietors of land, which they cultivate and improve with their own hands, and with other persons, who constitute the middle classes, the bone and sinew of every country, and the southern states a do not. Besides, nearly all the seamen of the United States, nearly all the manufacturers, and a mighty'majority of the mechanics, are located in them-and it is these who, more than any others, (fishermen excepted), increase the value of commodities, for their own profit in business or comfort in life.

signed that they should, and as reason and justice say that they ought, there is power enough already, (or, at least, very soon will be), to carry the principle into operation. How, then, can the people of the "free states" be jealous of the "slave states?" What have they to gain? They now possess all that they can desire. It is shameful that it should have been intimated, (and without the solitary appearance of a fact to support it), that they are jealous of, or disposed to act against the "slave states," on account of their slaves-But, on the other side, we have seen that a distinguished member of congress from Virginia, publicly denounced the last treaty with Spain, because it "gave up" Texas, as he said-not that we much wanted or had use for the territory, but for the great reason that it might, if obtained, have been divided into "two slave states," to counterbalance, in the senate, the growing weight of the free population in the house of representatives!-plainly avowing a design or desire, that a black, negro, slave power, or slave interest, should govern the free people of the United States, and stifle, in the senate, the whole force of the representative principle! See WEEKLY REGISTER, Vol. XXVII, page 21.

But the most important matter is yet to be considered. All men, and especially politicians, are presumed first to consult their own pecuniary interest; and I shall undertake to prove, in a subsequent paper, that it is unquestionably the pecuniary interest of the peo ple of the "free states," that the present system of slavery should be kept up in the south. If I shall fail in this, it must be for a wretched want of ability to handle the subject, OR HISTORY IS FALSE, EXPERIENCE A FOLLY, AND THE PRACTICE OF ALL THE COMMERCIAL AND MANUFACTURING NATIONS FOUNDED ON ERROR.

"Right of Instruction," &c.

I have thus, I must believe, conclusively shewn, that the people of the "free states," unless a silly people, indeed, cannot have any political jealousies or fears of the people of the south. There is no possible reason why they should entertain either. They already have more than a double amount of disposable physical power, they have many times t s the wealth of the other in lands or improvements or transferable funds-and a suflicient majority in congress to carry any measure which they shall see proper to unite upon, with the same unanimity which those of the south would shew on the "slave question," were it agitated; and, surely, if the "firm union of the south" JULY 24th, 1825. is a praise-worthy sentiment in regard to that ques- MR. NILES: I have just seen, with much pleasure, in tion, or any other, the firm union of the free states must the "Register," of the 16th inst. the expression of your be equally so. But neither ought to be approved of intention to "offer a rejoinder" to my letter to you of or tolerated, though the first seems likely to become the 4th ultimo, and shall read and consider it with all fashionable. If it should, the weaker interest "must the deference and attention due to the subject, and go to the wall," for combination on one side will be- to one of the oldest and ablest and most respected get union on the other-and thus it did, in the late champions of the rights of the people and of the union presidential election, so as to defeat the combined of the states. But, in the mean time, I must beg leave forces in caucus, and put that sort of juggling, or to notice the two cases presented by you to shew the smuggling, to death. And further, as to any questions difference between "opinions and principles"-not of real or supposed interest, that can come up between because they are imperfect or misunderstood, but to the "free states" and the "slave states," save and demonstrate, more fully, if possible, not only that it except those about slavery, (which no one expects may be sometimes "difficult," but that it is absolutely will be meddled with, as at present it stands), Mary-impossible "to draw the line" of distinction "between land, Kentucky, Tennessee and Missouri, grain-grow-principle and opinion, with the certainty and safety ing states, are with the "free states"-say in respect that is necessary, in regard to the "rights of constito internal improvements and the encouragement and tuents," if you will insist on them, and the "consupport of domestic manufactures, or protection of science of a representative," in a case of arbitrary in commerce; to which last the south was nearly as much struction. opposed as it now is to the two other interests just "1. If I had been a representative in congress, when named. And even if it pleases the one that taxation and the proposition was made to renew the charter of the representation shall go together, as the constitution de-bank of the United States, and believed that that institution had been legally established-I would have Observe, the whole land in the state is averaged at voted for its continuance, if made duly sensible that Dineteen dollars and sixty-four cents per acre! such was the will of a fair majority of my constitu*The great original object of the people was to de-ents, notwithstanding, I myself might have thought it feat the caucus--and they accomplised that, though they were much divided, towards the close of the campaign, as to the person whom they preferred for the presidency. The objection was less to Mr. Crawford than to the manner in which he had been brought forward. Without any streng personal op- 2. But if I had been, in like manner, called upon to position to him, we could not see any political prefer-vote for the establishment of this bank, I would have ence which he had over the rest of the candidates, to rejected the right of instruction, for the reason of my justify or excuse the proceedings of so small a mi-obligation to support the constitution of the United hority of the members of congress, admitting it to be right that there has been, and may be, times it which caucus ought to be held. Feather of which am i disposed to deny.

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most expedient that the corporation should cease. The difference between them and myself I would call, in this case, a difference of opinion-and, therefore, give up my own opinion to that of my constituents.

States, and my serious belief, within the secrets of my own heart, that the said constitution does not authorize the passage of acts of incorporation by congress and further, because that it should not. This I regard

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