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This toast was drunk with three cheers, as was also By Mr. S. Price. The recognition of the indepenthe following toast from Mr. Calhoun:

dence of South America by England - The highest The natives of America, united by the sacred bond tribute to the best principles of her own constitution. of liberty and equality--may their peace and liberty By Mr. C. C. Cambreleng. The common causebe eternal.

may the influence of public opinion secure to all na. Letters were also read from Mr. Crawford and tions rational and constitutional law. gov. Clinton, conveying their apologies for not being By Mr. Rathbone. The sun of liberty which has able to attend.

risen in the Andes—may its beams be reflected from Mr. Buchanan, the British consul, being called on the Alps and the Pyrennees. for a toast, rose and addressed the president in the following words: Permit me to observe, sir, that I deem the honor

Mr. Clay's Address. of being a guest upon this occasion among one of the FROM THE NATIONAL JOURNAL OF THE 28TH ULT. mnost gratifying circumstances connected with my To the people of the congressional district composed of the official station. Much has been stated as to revolu counties of Fayette, Woodford, and Clarke, in Kentions and their happy consequences in this assembly tucky. this evening; but there is another I cannot omit this The relations of your representative and of your opportunity to notice, which, even a few years back, neighbor, in which I have so long stood, and in which seemed more unlikely and less expected by many, I have experienced so many strong proofs of your than these great changes we are thus happily met 10 confidence, attachment and friendship, having just celebrate; and permit me to add, one in which the been, the one terminated, and the other suspended, I prosperity of both is deeply interested. Need I meno avail myself of the occasion, on taking, I hope a temtion the revolution in sentiment and feelings, which I porary, leave of you, to express my unfeigned gratirejoice to bear my testimony to, as having arisen be- iude for all your favors, and to assure you that I shall tween our respective governments, which is fast cherish a fond and 'unceasing recollection of them. spreading among all classes, and which I earnestly The extraordinary circumstances in which, during hope may settle down into permanent friendship. the late session of congress, I have been placed, and It may be asked, what has the growth of good feelings the unmerited animadversions which I have brought between England and the United States to do with upon myself

, for an honest and faithful discharge of the celebration of the recent victories which have my public duty, form an additional motive for this brought us thus together? I will not say, go ask at appeal to your candor and justice. If, in the office Madrid, at Paris, at Vienna, or at St. Petersburgh, which I have just lest, I have abused your confidence though there their importance might be discovered, and betrayed your interests, I cannot deserve your but I would direct any inquirer to go to the foot of support in that on the duties of which I have now enthe Rocky Mountains, pass along the Andes, on to tered. On the contrary, should it appear that I have Cape Horn, thence from the Oronoco to Colombia— been assailed without just cause, and that misguided and who are they within these vast limits that do not zeal and interested passions have singled me out as a see, in the friendship of the lion of old England and victim, I cannot doubt that I shall continue to find, in the eagle of these United States, a shield to guard the enlightened tribunal of the public, that cheering their struggle for the firm establishment of their in- countenance and impartial judgment, without which dependence? Yes, sir, who does not perceive the a public servant cannot possibly discharge, with adforce of the observation, attributed to Mr. Canning, vantage, the trust confided to him. when adverting to the happy consequences of these It is known to you, that my name had been pregood feelings, at a dinner at Liverpool, “mother and sented, by the respectable states of Ohio, Kentucky, daughter against the world?”

Louisiana and Missouri, for the office of president, to From whence, sir, has this proud eminence of “mo- the consideration of the American public, and that it ther and daughter" arisen, and wherein does it con- had attracted some attention in other quarters of the sist?

union. When, early in November last, I took my deCertainly not from superior powers of body or parture from the district to repair to this city, the ismind, or from personal courage, patient endurance sue of the presidential election before the people was oi toil, or superiority of climate; no, sir: for who sur- unknown." Events, however, had then so far transpasses France in arts, science and military fame? pired as to render it highly probable that there would what pepole are more endued with chivalrous brave- be no election by the people, and that ļ should be ry than the Spaniard? what people brave death in excluded from the house of representatives. It bethe held with more unmoved courage than the Ger- came, therefore, my duty to consider, and to make man? what Russian ever received his death wound in up an opinion on, the respective pretentions of the his back? what then, sir, is it? Sir, it is in the pre- three gentlemen that might be returned, and, at that dominance of religious and commercial liberty. I early period, I stated to Dr. Drake, one of the proses would just add, that it is my earnest hope, that "mo- sors of the medical school of Transylvania universither and daughter” may, ere long, exhibit a perfect ty, and to John J, Crittenden, esq. of Frankfort, my example to the new empire in the south, in these fun- determination to support Mr. Adams in preference damental pillars of national independence, prosperity to gen. Jackson. I wrote to Charles Hammond, esq; and glory. With this expression of my feelings upon of Cincinnati, about the same time, and mentioned this glorious occasion, I beg leave to give

certain objections to the election of Mr. Crawford, The mother and daughter-oblivion to the past, (among which was that of his continued ill health,) Twith increase and perpetuity of harmony for the fu- that appeared to me almost insuperable. During my ture.

journey hither, and up to near Christmas, it remained Mr. Cambreleng made an appropriate reference to uncertain whether Mr. Crawford or I would be rethe liberal remarks of the British consul, and gave

turned to the house of representatives. Up to near Magna charta-The first charter of human free- Christmas, all our information made it highly probadom.

ble that the vote of Louisiana would be given to me, By Mr. Blunt. That freedom, which man holds exclusion of Mr. Crawford. And, whilst that proba

and that I should, consequently, be returned, to the by the charter of his Creator.

bilily was strong, I communicated to Mr. Senator By Mr. Tucker. South America-Mag her liberty Johnston, from Louisiana, my resolution not to allow be as permanently established as her Andes, and pure my name, in consequence of the small number of as the snow on their summit.

votes by which it would be carried into the house, if

I were returned, to constitute an obstacle, for one, kindness, I felt that I could no longer remain silent, moment, to an election in the house of representa- A crisis appeared to me to have arisen in my public tives,

life. I issued my card. I ought not to have put in it During the month of December and the greater the last paragraph, because, although it does not nepart of January, strong professions of high consi- cessarily imply the resort to a personal combat, it deration, and of unbounded admiration of me, were admits of that construction; nor will I conceal that made to my friends, in the greatest profusion, by such a possible issue was within my contemplation. I some of the active friends of all the returned candi- owe it to the community to say, that, whatever heredates. Every body professed to regret, after I was tofore I may have done, or, by inevitable circumstanexcluded from the house, that I had not been return-cos, might be forced to do, no man in it holds in ed to it. I seemed to be the favorite of every body. deeper abhorrence than I do, that pernicious pracDescribing my situation to a distant friend, I said to tice. Condemned, as it must be, by the judgment and him, "I am enjoying, whilst alive, the posthumous philosophy, to say nothing of the religion, of every honors which are usually awarded to the venerated thinking man, it is an affair of feeling about which dead.” A person, not acquainted with human nature, we cannot, although we should, reason. Its true corwould have been surprised, in listening to these prai- rective will be found when all shall unite, as all ought ses, that the object of them had not been elected by to unite, in its unqualified proscription. general acclamation. None made more or warmer A few days after the publication of my card, “anomanifestations of these sentiments of esteem and ad-ther card,” under Mr. Kremer's name, was published miration, than some of the friends of general Jack- in the Intelligencer. The night before, as I was yoson, none were so reserved as those of Mr. Adams; luntarily informed, Mr. Eaton, a senator from Tenunder an opinion, (as I have learnt, since the elec- nessee, and the biographer of gen. Jackson, (who tion), which they early imbibed, that the western boarded in the end of this city opposite to that in vote would be only influenced by its own sense of which Mr. Kremer took"up his abode, a distance of public duty; and that, if its judgment pointed to any about two miles and an half), was closeted for some other than Mr. Adams, nothing which they could do time with him. Mr. Kremer is entitled to great credit would secure it to him. These professions and mani- for having overcome all the disadvantages incident festations were taken by me for what they were to his early life and want of education, and forced worth. I knew that the sunbeams would quickly dis- his way to the honorable station of a member of the appear, after my opinion should be ascertained, and house of representatives. Ardent in his attachment that they would be succeeded by a storm, although I to the cause which he had espoused, gen. Jackson is did not foresee exactly how it would burst upon my his idol, and of his blind zeal others have availed poor head. I found myself transformed from a can- themselves, and have made him their dupe and their didate before the people into an elector for the peo- instrument. I do not pretend to know the object of ple. I deliberately examined the duties incident to Mr. Eaton's visit to him. I state the fact, as it was this new attitude, and weighed all the facts before communicated to me, and leave you to judge. Mr. me, upon which my judgment was to be formed or Kremer's card is composed with some care and no reviewed. If the eagerness of any of the heated par- little art, and he is made to avow in it, though sometizans of the respective candidates suggested a tardi- what equivocally, that he is the author of the letter ness in the declaration of my intention, I believed to the Columbian Observer. To Mr. Crowninshield, that the new relation, in which I was placed to the a member from Massachusetts, formerly secretary of subject, imposed on me an obligation to pay some re- the nary, he declared that he was not the author of spect to delicacy and decorum.'

that letter. In his card he draws a clear line of scMeanwile, that very reserve supplied aliment to paration between my friends and me, acquitting newspaper criticism. The critics could not compre- them and undertaking to make good his charges, in hend how a man, standing as I had stood towards the that letter, only so far as I was concerned. The purother gentlemen, should be restrained, by a sense of pose of this discrimination is obvious. At that time propriety, from instantly fighting under the banners the election was undecided, and it was, therefore, of one of them, against the others. Letters were is- as important to abstain from imputations against my sued from the manufactory at Washington, to come friends, as it was politic to fix them upon me. If th:y hack, after performing long journeys, for Washington could be made to believe that I had been perfidious, consumption. These letters imputed to “Mr. Clay in the transport of their indignation, they might have and his friends a mysterious air, a portentous si- been carried to the support of gen. Jackson. I relence,” &c. From dark and distant hints, the progress ceived the National Intelligencer, containing Mr. was easy to open and bitter denunciation. Anony- Kremer's card, at breakfast, (the usual time of its mous letters, full of 'menace and abuse, were almost distribution), on the morning of its publication. As daily poured in on me. Personal threats were com- soon as I read the card, I took my resolution. The municated to me, through friendly organs, and I was terms of it clearly implied that it had not entered into kindly apprised of all the glories of village effigies his conception to have a personal allair with me, and which awaited me. A systematic attack was simul- I should have justly exposed myself to universal riditaneously commenced upon me, from Boston to cule, if I had sought one with him. I determined to Charleston, with an object, present and future, lay the matter before the house, and respectfully to which it was impossible to mistalic. No man, but my-invite an investigation of my conduct. I accordingly self, could know the nature, extent and variety of made a communication to ihe house, on the same day, means which were employed to awe and influence the motives for which I assigned. Mr. Kremer was

I bore them, I trust, as your representative in his place, and, when I sat down, rose and stated ought to have borne them, and as became me. Then that he was prepared and willing to substantiate his followed the letter, afterwards adopted as his own, charges against me. This was his voluntary declaraby Mr. Kremer, to the Columbian Observer. With tion, unprompted by his aiders and abetiors, who had its character and contents you are well acquainted. no opportunity of previous consultation with him on When I saw that letter, alleged to be written by a that point. Here was an issue publicly and solemnly member of the very house over which I was presid- joined, in which the accused invoked an inquiry into ing: who was so far designated as to be described as serious charges against him, and the accuser professed belonging to a particular delegation, by name; a mem- an ability and a willingness to establish them. A deber with whom I might be daily exchanging, at least, bate ensued, on the next day, which occupied the on my part, friendly salutations, and who was possi- greater part of it, during which Mr. Kremer declared bly receiving from me constantly acts of courtesy and lio Mr. Breni, of Louisiana, a friend of mine, and to

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Mr. Little of Maryland, a friend of gen. Jackson, as 'spiracy, of which he was the organ. They advised, they have certified, "that he never intended to charge therefore, that he should make a retreat, and their Mr. Clay with corruption or dishonor, in his intended adroitness suggested that, in an objection to that juvote for Mr. Adams as president, or that he had trans- risdiction of the house, which had been admitted, ferred, or could transfer, the votes or interests of and in the popular topics of the freedom of the press, his friends; that he, (Mr. Kremer), was among the his duty to his constituents, and the inequality in the last men in the nation to make such a charge against condition of the speaker of the house and a member Mr. Clay; and that bis letter was never intended to on the floor, plausible means might be found to deconvey the idea given to it.”. Mr. Digges, a highly ceive the ignorant, and conceal his disgrace. A larespectable inhabitant of this city, has certified to bored communication was accordingly prepared by the same declarations of Mr. Kremer.

them, in Mr. Kremer's name, and transmitied to the A message was also conveyed to me, during the committee, founded upon these suggestions. Thus, discussions, through a member of the house, to ascer- the yaliant champion, who had boldly stepped fortain if I would be satisfied with an explanation which ward, and promised, as a representative of the people, was put on paper and shown me, and which, it was to "cry aloud and spare not,” forgot all his gratuitous stated, Mr. Kremer was willing, in his place, to make. gallantry and boasted patriotism, and sunk at once I replied that the matter was in the possession of the into profound silence. house. I was afterwards told that Mr. Ingham, of With these remarks, I will, for the present, leave Pennsylvania, got hold of that paper, put it in his him, and proceed to assign the reasons to you, to pocket, and that he advised Mr. Kremer to take no whom alone I admit myself to be officially responstep without the approbation of his friends. Mr. sible, the vote which I gave on the presidential Cook, of Nlinois, moved an adjournment of the house, election. The first inquiry which it behoved me on information which he received of the probability to make was, as to the influence which ought to be of Mr. K's making a satisfactory atonement, on the exerted, on my judgment, by the relative state of the next day, for the injury which he had done me, which electoral votes which the three returned candidates I have no doubt he would have made, if he had been brought into the house, from the colleges. General left to the impulses of his native honesty. The house Jackson obtained 99, Mr. Adams 84, and Mr. Crawdecided to refer my communication to a committee, ford 41. Ought the fact of a plurality being given to and adjourned until the next day to appoint it by bal- one of the candidates to have any, and what, weight? lot. In the mean time Mr. Kremer had taken, i pre- !f the constitution had intended that it should have sume, or rather there had been forced upon him, the been decisive, the constitution would have made it advice of his friends, and I heard no more of the apo- decisive, and interdicted the exercise of any discrelogy. A committee was appointed of seven gentle- tion on the part of the house of representatives. The men, of whom not one was my political friend, but constitution has not so ordained, but, on the contrary, who were among the most eminent members of the it has provided, that, "from the persons having the body. I received no summons or notification from highest numbers, not exceeding three, on the list of the committee, from its first organization to its final those voted for as president, the house of representadissolution, but Mr. Kremer was called upon by it to tives shall choose, immediately, by ballot, a president.” bring forward his proofs. For one moment be pleas- Thus a discretion is necessarily invested in the house; ed to stop here and contemplate his posture, his rela- for choice implies examination, comparison, judgtion to the house and to me, and the high obligations ment. The fact, therefore, that one of the three under which he had voluntarily placed himself. He persons was the highest returned, not being, by the was a member of one of the most august assemblies constitution of the country, conclusive upon the judgupon earth, of which he was bound to defend the pu- ment of the house, it still remains to determine what rity, or expose the corruption, by every consideration is the true degree of weight belonging to it? It has wbich ought to influence a patriot bosom. A most been contended that it should operate, if not as an responsible and highly important constitutional duty instruction, at least in the nature of one, and that, was to be performed by thai asssembly. He had in this form, it should control the judgment of the chosen, in an anonymous letter, to bring against its housc. But this is the same argument of conclusivepresiding officer, charges, in respect to that duty, of ness, which the constitution does not enjoin, thrown the most flagitious character. These charges com- into a different but more imposing shape. Let me prehended delegations from several highly respectable analyze it. There are certain states, the aggregate states. If true, that presiding officer 'merited, not of whose electoral votes conferred upon the highest merely to be dragged from the chair, but to be expel-returned candidate, indicates their wish that he led the house—he challenges an investigation into his should be the president. Their votes amount in numconduct, and Mr. Kremer boldly accepts the chal- | ber to ninety-nine out of the two hundred and sixtylenge, and promises to sustain his accusation. The one electoral votes of the whole union. These ninetycommittee, 'appointed by the house itself, with the nine do not, and cannot of themselves make the precommon consent of both parties, calls upon Mr. Kre-sident. If the fact of particular states giving ninetymer to execute his pledge, publicly given in his proper nine votes can, according to any received notions of place, and, also, previously given in the public prints. the doctrine of instruction, be regarded in that light, to Here is the theatre of the alleged arrangements; this whom are those instructions to be considered addresthe vicinage in which the trial ought to take place. sed? According to that doctrine, the people, who apEvery thing was here fresh in the recollection of the point, have the right to direct, by their instructions, in witnesses, if there were any. Ilere all the proofs certain cases, the course of the representative whom were concentrated. Mr. Kremer was stimulated by they appoint. The states, therefore, who gave those erery motive which could impel to action; by consis- ninety-nine votes, may, in some sense, be understood tency of character; by duty to his constituents—to his thereby to have instructed their representatives in the country; by that of redeeming his solemn pledge; hy house to vote for the person on whom they were behis anxious wish for the success of his favorite, whose stowed, in the choice of a president. But, most clearly, interests could not fail to be advanced by supporting the representatives, coming from other states, which his atrocious charges. But Mr. Kremer had now gave no part of those ninety-nine votes, cannot be conthe beneật of the advice of his friends. He had no sidered as having been under any obligation to surrenproofs, for the plainest of all reasons; because there der their judgments to those of the states which gave was no truth in his charges. They saw that, to at the ninety-nine votes. To contend that they are tempt to establish them, and to fail, as he must fail, under such an obligation, would be to maintain that in the attempt, might lead to an exposure of the con-' the people of ope state bave the right to instruct

the representatives from another state. It would be regrets and sympathies, on account of it, was eoncluto maintain a still more absurd proposition, that, in a sive against him, to say nothing of other consideracase where the representativcs from a state did not tions of a public nature, which would have deserved hold themselves instructed and bound by the will of examination, if, happily, in that respect, he had been that state, as indicated in its electoral college, the re- differently circumstanced. He had been ill near presentatives from another state were, nevertheless, eighteen months; and, although I am aware that his instructed and bound by that alien will

. Thus, the actual condition was a fact depending upon evidence, entire vote of North Carolina, and a large majority and that the evidence, in regard to it, which had been of that of Maryland, in their respective electoral col- presented to the public, was not perfectly harmonileges, were given to one of the three returned candi- ous, I judged for myself upon what I saw and heard. dates, for whom the delegation from neither of those He may, and I ardently hope will, recover; but I did states voted. And yet the argument combatted, re- not think it became me to assist in committing the exe. quires that the delegation from Kentucky, who do not cutive administration of this great republic on the represent the people of North Carolina nor Maryland, doubtful contingency of the restoration to health of a should be instructed by, and give an effect to, the in- gentleman who had been so long and so seriously dicated will of the people of those two states, when asilicted. Moreover, if, under all the circumstances their own delegation paid no attention to it. Doubt. of his situation, his election had been desirable, I did less, those delegations felt themselves authorized to not think it practicable. I believed, and yet believe, look into the actual composition of, and all other cir- that, if the votes of the western states, given to Mr. cumstances conneoted with, the majorities which Adams, had been conferred on Mr. Crawford, the efgave the electoral votes, in their respective stales; sect would have been to protract in the house the deand felt themselves justified, from a view of the whole cision of the contest, to the great agitation and distracground, to act upon their responsibility and accord- tion of the country, and, possibly, to defeat an elecing to their best judgments, disregarding the elec- tion altogether—the very worst result, I thought, that toral votes in their states. And are the representa- could happen. It appeared to me then, that, sooner tives from a different state vot only bound by the will or later, we must arrive at the only practical issue of of the people of a different commonwealth, but for the contest before us, and that was between Mr. bidden to examine into the manner by which the Adams and general Jackson, and I thought that the expression of that will was brought about an exa- carlier we got there, the better for the country and mination which the immediate representatives them for the house. selves feel it their duty to inake?

In considering this only alternative, I was not unIs the fact, then, of a plurality to have no weight aware of your strong desire to have a western presiFar from it. Here are twenty-four communities, dent; but I thought that I knew enough of your patriounited under a common government. The expres- i tism and magnanimity, displayed on so many occasion of the will of any one of them is entitled to the sions, to believe that you could rise above the mere most respectful attention. It ought to be patiently gratification of sectional pride, if the common good heard and kindly regarded by the others; but it can of the whole required you to make the sacrifice of not be admitted to be conclusive upon them. The local partiality. "I solemnly believed it did, and this expression of the will of the 99 out of 261 elcctors, brings me to the most important consideration which is entitled to very great attention, but that will can- belonged to the whole subject—that arising out of the not be considered as entitled to control the will of respective fitness of the only two real competitors, as the 162 electors, who have manifested a different it appeared to my best judgment. In speaking of will: To give it such controling influence, would be general Jackson, I am aware of the delicacy and rea subversion of the fundamental maxim of the respect which are justly due to that distinguished citipublic—that the majority should govern. The will of zen. It is far from my purpose to attempt to dispathe 99 can neither be allowed rightfully to control rage him. I could not do it if I were capable of making the remaining 162, nor any one of the 162 electoral the attempt; but I shall, nevertheless, speak of him as votes. It may be an argument, a persuasion, address. becomes me--with truth. I did not believe him so ed to all, and to each of them, but it is binding and competent to discharge the various, intricate, and obligatory upon none. It follows, then, that the fact complex duties of the office of chief magistrate as his of a plurality was only one among the various consi- competitor. He has displayed great skill and bravery derations which the house was called upon to weigh, as a military commander; and his renown will endure in making up its judgment. And the weight of the as long as the means exist of preserving a recollection consideration ought to have been regulated by the ex- of human transactions. But, to be qualıfied to distent of the plurality. As between gen. Jackson and charge the duties of president of the United States, Mr. Adams, the vote standing in the proportions of 99 ! the incumbent must have more than mere military to 84, it was entitled to less weight; as between the attainments-he must be a staTESMAN. An indivigeneral and Mr. Crawford it was entitled to more, the dual may be a gallant and successful general, an vote being as 99 to 41. The concession may ever be eminent lawyer, an eloquent divine, a learned phymade that, upon the supposition of an equality of pre- sician, or an accomplished artist; and, doubtless, the tensions between competing candidates, the prepon- union of all these characters in the person of a chief derance ought to be given to the fact of a plurality. magistrate would be desirable; but no one of them,

With these views of the relative state of the voie, nor all combined, will qualify him to be president, with which the three returned candidates entered the unless he superadds that indispensable requisite of house, I proceeded to examine the other considera- being a statesinan. Far from meaning to say, that it is tions which belonged to the question. For Mr. Craw- an objection to the elevation, to the chief magistracy, ford, who barely entered the house, with only four of any person, that he is a military commander, if votes more than one candidate not returned, and up- he unites the other qualifications, I only intend to say on whose case, therefore, the argument derived from that, whatever may be the success, or splendor of his the fact of plurality, operated with strong, though not military achievements, if his qualification be only midecisive force, I have ever felt much personal regard. litary, that is an objection, and I think a decisive obBut I was called upon to perform a solemn public jection to his election. Il general Jackson has exduty, in which my private feelings, whether of affec-hibited, either in the councils of the union, or in tion or aversion, were not to be indulged, but the those of his own state, or in those of any other state good of my country only consulted. It appeared to me or territory, the qualities of a statesman, the evidence that the precarious state of that gentleman's health, of the fact has escaped my observation. It would although ipertiripated with his besi friends, in all their | be as painful, as it is unnecessary to recapitulate

some of the incidents, which must be fresh in your pacity and attainments of most of the public men of recollection, of his public life. But I was greatly de this country, whom it might be proper to employ in ceived in my judgment if they proved him to be en- the public service; extensively possessed of much of dowed with that prudence, temper and discretion, that valuable kind of information, which is to be acwhich are necessary for civil administration. It was quired neither from books nor tradition, but which in vain to remind me of the illustrious example of is the fruit of largely participating in public affairs: Washington. There was, in that extraordinary per discreet and sagacious, he would enter on the duties son, united a serenity of mind, a cool and collected of the office with great advantages. I saw in his wisdom, a cautious and deliberate Judgment, a per- election the establishment of po dangerous example. fect command of the passions, and, throughout his I saw in it, on the contrary, only conformity to the whole life, a familiarity and acquaintance with busi- safe precedents which had been established in the inness and civil transactions, which rarely character. stances of Mr. Jefferson, Mr. Madison and Mr. Monize any human being. No man was ever more deep-roe, who had respectively filled the same office from jy penetrated than he was, with profound respect for which he was to be translated. the safe and necessary principle of the entire subor A collateral consideration of much weight was de dination of the military to the civil authority. I hope rived from the wishes of the Ohio delegation. A I do no injustice to general Jackson, when say, that majority of it, during the progress of the session, I could not recognize, in his public conduct, those at made up their opinions to support Mr. Adams, and tainments for both civil government and military com- they were communicated to me. They said, “Ohio mand, which cotemporaries and posterity have alike supported the candidate who was the choice of Kenunanimously concurred in awarding, as yet, only to the tucky:. We failed in our common cxertions to sefather of his country. I was sensible of the grati. curo his election Now, among those returned, we tude which the people of this country justly feel to have a decided preference, and we think you ought wards general Jackson for his brilliant military ser to make some sacrifice to gratify us." Was not much vices. But the impulses of public gratitude should due to our neighbor and friend? de controled, it appeared to me, by reason and dis I considered, with the greatest respect, the resolu. cretion, and I was not prepared blindly to surrender tion of the general assembly of Kentucky, requesting myself to the hazardous indulgence of a feeling, how the delegation to vote for general Jackson. That reever amiable and excellent that feeling may be when solution, it is true, placed us in a peculiar situation. properly directed. It did not seem to me to be wise Whilst every other delegation, from every other state or prudent, if, as I solemnly believed, general Jacke in the union, was left, by its legislature, entirely free son's competency for the office was highly question to examine the pretensions of all the candidates, and able, that he should be placed in a situation where to form its unbiassed judgment, the general assembly neither his fame nor the public interests would be ad- of Kentucky thought proper to interpose and to revanced. Gen. Jackson himself would be the last man quest the delegation to give its vote to one of the canto recommend or vote for any one for a place, for didates, whom they were pleased to designate. I which he thought him upfit. I felt myself sustained by felt a sincere desire to comply with a request, emanatbis own reasoning in his letter to Mr. Monroe in which, ing from a source so respectable, if I could have done speaking of the qualifications of our senerable Shelby so consistently with those paramount duties which I for the department of war, he remarked: "I am com- owed to you and the country. But, after full and pelled to say to you, that the acquirements of this wor- anxious consideration, I found it incompatible with ihy man are not competent to the discharge of the mul- my best judgment of those duties, to conform to the tiplied duties of this department. I, therefore, hope request of the general assembly. The resolution ashe may not accept the appointment. I am fearful, if serts, that it was the wish of the people of Kentucky, he does, he will not add much splendor to his present that their delegation should vote for the general. It well earned standing as a public character." Such did not inform me by what means that body had arwas my opinion of general Jackson, in reference to rived at a knowledge of the wish of the people. I the presidency. His convictions of governor Shelby's knew that its members had repaired to Frankfort beunfitness, by the babits of his life, for the appointment fore I departed from home to come to Washington. of secretary of war, were not more honest nor stron- I knew their attention was ixed on important local ger than mine were of his own want of experience, concerns, well entitled, by their magnitude, excluand the necessary civil qualifications to discharge the sively to engross it. No election, no general exduties of a president of the United States. In his pression of the popular seatiment had occurred since eleration to this office, too, I thought, I perceived the that in November, when electors were chosen, and, establishmentof a fearful precedent; and I am mistak- at that, the people, by an overwhelming majority, had en in all the warnings of instructive history, if I decided against general Jackson. I could not see erred in my judgment. Undoubtedly there are other how such an expression against him, could be interand many dangers to public liberty, besides that which preted into that of a desire for his election. If, as is proceeds from military idolatry; but I have yet to ac- true, the candidate whom they preferred, were not quire the knowledge of it, if there be one more peri- returned to the house, it is equally true, that the state lous or more frequent.

of the contest, as it presented itself here to me, had Whether Mr. Adams would or would not have been never been considered, discussed and decided by the my choice of a president, if I had been left freely to people of Kentucky, in their collective capacity. select from the whole mass of American citizens, was What would have been their decision on this nero not the question submitted to my decision. I had no state of the question? I might have undertaken to such liberty: but I was circumscribed, in the selec- conjecture, but the certainty of any conclusion of tion I had to make, to one of the three gentlemen, fact, as to their opinion, at which I could arrive, was om the people themselves had thought proper to by no means equal to that certainty of conviction of present to the house of representatives. Whatever my duty, to which I was carried by the exertion of objections might be supposed to exist against him, my best and most deliberate reflections. The letters still greater appeared to me to apply to his competitor. from home, which some of the delegation received, of Mr. Adams, it is but truth and justice to say, that expressed the most opposite opinions, and there was be is highly gifted, profoundly learned, and long and not wanting instances of letters, from some of the greatly experienced in public affairs, at home and very members who had voted for the resolution, adabroad. Intimately conversant with the rise and pro- vising a different course. I received, from a highly gress of every negotiation with foreign powers, pend- respectable portion of my constituents, a paper, ing or concluded; personally acquainted with the ca-l instructing me as follows:-“We, the undersigned

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